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Es mostra, molt probablement, un atac sorpresa dels egipcis a la flota enemiga ancorada. S'han retirat les veles dels vaixells enemics, no es veuen els rems amb rems. Per part dels egipcis, els arquers actuen gairebé exclusivament. Guerrers dels pobles del mar, amb escuts rodons, cascs coronats amb banyes o una cresta de plomes, branden espases i llances, però no fan servir cap arma de llançament. Dos vaixells egipcis es van acostar a l'enemic. Un guerrer egipci de peu a la proa colpeja l'enemic amb una llança a la popa d'un vaixell enemic. Un egipci a la proa d'un altre vaixell es prepara per fer servir la seva maça.

Aquesta batalla marítima no era gaire diferent de la batalla terrestre. Les tàctiques navals, si hi hagués una cosa així, només podia ser un atac sorpresa o un intent de dispersar la formació de l'enemic i destruir els seus vaixells un per un. L'única arma naval específica d'aquella època era el ganxo. L'ariet encara no s'havia inventat, i les batalles navals es reduïen a batalles d'abordatge.

En total, es mostren nou vaixells al relleu (4 egipcis i 5 enemics), per la qual cosa és difícil parlar de l'equilibri real de forces en aquesta batalla i, a més, de la mida de l'armada egípcia. A partir de documents dels segles XV-XIV. BC e., trobat a Ugarit (l'assentament de Ras Shamra a Síria), se sap que aquesta ciutat-estat relativament petita, tot i que rica, podia instal·lar fins a 150 vaixells de guerra (no hi ha dades, però, ni sobre la seva mida ni sobre la nombre d'equips). Egipte, fins i tot en un període de relativa decadència, probablement es podria permetre molt més.

El tipus d'embarcació marítima que predominava al món egeu a mitjans del II mil·lenni aC. e., sembla que va ser manllevat pels constructors de vaixells del Llevant i d'Egipte cap a l'any 1400. Un fresc de la tomba de Kenamon a Tebes representa vaixells mercants que van arribar a Egipte, a jutjar per la seva tripulació (mariners de barba negra i nassos ganxos), procedents de Síria. . En molts aspectes recorden els vaixells de Hatshepsut (proa i popa que sobresurten molt per sobre de l'aigua, postes de proa i popa rectes, bigues travessades per la pell). No hi ha cap cable longitudinal que subjecti la popa i la proa: la força del casc s'aconsegueix, òbviament, a causa de l'estructura interna (marcs, cordons). A partir de la pintura, és impossible jutjar la mida d'aquests vaixells, però, els documents descoberts a Ras Shamra (Ugarit) de la mateixa època indiquen que també s'estaven construint vaixells força grans: es podien carregar fins a 450 tones de gra en un. tal vaixell.
Els inicis de l'enviament pertanyen a aquells temps dels quals no tenim informació. El primer mitjà de transport sobre l'aigua va ser probablement una bassa, teixida a partir de garbes de canyes o de troncs d'arbres, que servia per moure's amb el cabal o era conduïda per pals; estava dotat d'una biga tosca, que feia el paper de timó, i d'una petita barraca del tipus més primitiu. Al Vístula i a l'Oder encara es troben basses d'aquest tipus. El següent pas és la llançadora: un tronc d'arbre buit, que encara s'utilitza als mars del sud i fa unes dècades es va utilitzar per a la comunicació entre Kiel i Ellerbeck en forma d'"un arbre" (Einbaum), impulsat per rems o una vela primitiva. Ja eren vaixells, la fabricació dels quals requeria l'ús d'eines conegudes, la qual cosa indica un cert avenç. Un progrés encara més gran són les embarcacions aixecades des de taules separades i equipades amb rems i veles; aquests vaixells només podrien aparèixer amb un desenvolupament significatiu de diverses artesanies i la capacitat de processar metalls.

L'impuls dels primers intents de navegació vingué probablement per la pesca, seguida de l'intercanvi de mercaderies, és a dir, el comerç marítim; juntament amb això, en l'extensió d'un mar que no és de ningú, on fins i tot al nostre segle la força és sovint la llei, la pirateria es va desenvolupar en els primers temps. Segons les idees dels antics, que encara no tenien una idea del dret internacional, cada estranger era considerat un enemic que podia ser assassinat amb impunitat; El robatori al mar no es considerava ni delictiu ni vergonyós i es va dur a terme de manera força oberta. Tots els pobles mariners robaven el mar, caçaven persones i es dedicaven al tràfic d'esclaus. Exemples típics són el rapte d'Helena i la venda d'Eumeu en esclavitud (Odissea, XV, 402-483).
Els enèrgics governants d'Egipte, com Seti I (1290-1279) i Ramsès II (1279-1212), així com Necó (609-594 aC), van construir flotes al mar Roig i al Mediterrani. Sobre un dels successors de l'últim rei, concretament Apria (588-569 aC), es diu que va fer guerres marítimes amb els habitants de Tir, va aconseguir el domini al mar i va imposar tributs a les ciutats de Xipre. La flota egípcia no va tenir una importància especial en la història de les flotes militars, ja que no va protegir ni la flota mercant ni el comerç marítim.

Els egipcis des de l'antiguitat van saber construir canals, preses, potser fins i tot rescloses als canals de navegació. La "Instrucció del rei al seu fill Merikara" (aquest últim viscut al segle XXII aC) ja fa referència a algunes grans estructures hidràuliques (canals o preses) del Delta, que van servir d'obstacle per als asiàtics (el text del "Instrucció" en si va ser compilada probablement durant l'Imperi Mitjà).

Aristòtil (Meteorologia 1.15) va escriure que el primer a tallar un canal a través de l'istme (Istme de Suez) va ser "Sesostiris". Plini el Vell (6.33.165) també esmenta Sezostiris com el primer constructor d'un canal entre els mars, i Estrabó (XVII.1.25; i I.2.31) informa que aquest canal va ser construït per ell "abans de la guerra de Troia". Així, els autors antics atribuïen l'inici de la construcció del canal a l'època de la dinastia XII, al regnat d'un dels Senusrets (Flinders Petrie, però, creia que la informació antiga sobre "Sesostiris" es refereix realment a Ramsès II. , és a dir, a l'època de la dinastia XVIII).

Els famosos relleus de Hatshepsut a Deir el-Bahri també estan relacionats amb la qüestió del canal. La pregunta es redueix a la següent: era necessari, quan s'enviaven mercaderies a Punt pel mar Roig, primer portar-les per terra pel desert oriental i després només a la vora del mar per tornar-les a carregar als vaixells? De fet, als relleus, els mateixos vaixells que es representen navegant al Mar Roig es mostren llavors dempeus al Nil al costat de Tebes. Hi havia dues opinions oposades sobre aquest tema. Segons un d'ells (Brested, Erman), una mena de via fluvial, tanmateix, connectava el braç oriental del Delta amb el Mar Roig ja sota Hatshepsut. Altres (Posner, Gardner) creien que no hi havia cap canal abans de l'era Necho (al voltant del 600 aC), i els vaixells marítims al moll de Tebes eren fruit de la imaginació de l'artista, una imatge simbòlica d'una expedició completada amb èxit. El fet que ni els relleus ni les inscripcions a Deir el-Bahri indiquen clarament el transport de mercaderies per terra fins al Mar Roig, s'explica per la negligència de l'artista, els buits i les abreviatures en la descripció de la ruta de l'expedició. És cert que la inscripció diu diverses vegades que l'expedició va avançar "per aigua i per terra", però el tram final de la ruta també podria passar per terra. Se sap que expedicions anteriors a Punt arribaven per terra a aquest país semillegendari. Les campanyes a Punt es van dur a terme a principis del III mil·lenni aC. e., i cap al 2600 aC. e. Els egipcis ja exportaven or d'allà. No obstant això, no es coneix exactament quin país, o països, els egipcis de l'Antic Imperi anomenaven Punt -el "País dels Déus". En diferents moments, podien anomenar així qualsevol lloc de la costa d'Aràbia o de l'Àfrica oriental. Però allà on es trobi el Punt de la reina Hatshepsut, la inscripció de Deir el-Bahri no fa res per explicar l'aparició dels vaixells al Nil.
Pel que fa a la ubicació i la idoneïtat per a la navegació, els pobles individuals diferien molt els uns dels altres. Alguns tenien una capacitat natural per a viatges de llarga distància, mentre que altres, al contrari, no tenien el més mínim desig i disposició per a això, que fins i tot arribaven al seu horror del mar. Els primers inclouen els fenicis, la majoria de les tribus gregues i els etruscs, mentre que els segons inclouen els egipcis, hindús, perses i romans.

Fins i tot en temps molt remots, els fenicis van destacar entre els altres pobles pel desenvolupament de la seva navegació, però ells mateixos quasi no en van deixar constància directa, ni escrita ni material.

La informació més antiga ens va arribar a través dels egipcis, i després no en forma de proves escrites deixades per escriptors antics, sinó només gràcies a les produïdes a partir de mitjans del segle XIX. excavacions de monuments i lectura relacionada de jeroglífics.

El mar amb aigua salada, segons les supersticioses creences egípcies, que prohibia menjar peix marí i sal marina, semblava ser el regne d'un esperit maligne (Tifó) i va inspirar horror, per tant, fins al regnat del més lliurepensador. faraó Psamètic (664-611 aC) El comerç marítim egipci era només passiu. D'altra banda, el Nil amb els seus braços, que servia com a via natural de comunicació, no va contribuir poc a que a Egipte, el país més antic culturalment, la navegació fluvial es desenvolupés molt aviat i a gran escala. Des de temps immemorials, a les lleres fluvials poc profundes s'utilitzaven les basses lleugeres amb els extrems elevats, constituïdes, per manca de fusta, per feixes de papir. S'alimentaven amb pals i servien per transportar persones i animals, fins i tot toros, i per lliurar mercaderies als mercats. Una de les imatges d'aquesta bassa es remunta al regnat de la VI dinastia (mitjans del III mil·lenni aC).

Al mateix temps, no s'ha d'exagerar la por dels egipcis al mar i subestimar els seus èxits en el camp de la construcció naval i la navegació. Els primers vaixells de fusta van aparèixer a Egipte al tombant del IV-III mil·lenni aC. e. Els egipcis ja tenien diversos tipus d'embarcacions força avançades tècnicament, com, per exemple, embarcacions de fons pla de 10-16 metres d'eslora que servien per al transport de persones, navegaven i remem. A falta d'espars prou resistents, en comptes d'un pal, s'utilitzaven cabres de dues potes amb un curt pati horitzontal, a les quals s'acoblava una vela alta estreta. A més de la vela, els rems lanceolats també servien per al moviment, de 8 a 26 per banda; Es feien servir de 2 a 5 rems per dirigir el vaixell a cada costat de la popa. Als vaixells destinats a les travessies de llarga distància, hi havia cabines teixides amb canyes. La mida de l'equip va arribar a les 70 persones. El més gran d'aquests vaixells s'assembla als vaixells del governant d'Uganda, Mtesa, al llac Victòria, descrits per Stanley al seu llibre Across the Black Continent, publicat el 1878, és a dir, més de 4600 anys després.
A més, els egipcis disposaven de grans pontons amb una capacitat de càrrega de fins a 200 tones, que servien per transportar càrregues pesades, com, per exemple, blocs de pedra utilitzats per a edificis gegantins egipcis.

Pel que fa al disseny, els vaixells egipcis eren en molts aspectes similars als primers vaixells o basses de canyes del Nil. L'única fusta apta per a la construcció naval a Egipte era l'acàcia, una fusta dura i fibrosa de la qual no es podien fer taulons llargs. Les peces curtes de fusta es van unir entre si mitjançant llaços i llengüetes (Heròdot, per tant, va comparar el revestiment dels vaixells egipcis amb la maó), el casc estava cobert amb cables per a una major resistència. Els costats acabaven amb una borda, les bigues es van unir al nivell de la borda. Aquestes bigues i un cordó que va de proa a popa directament a sota d'elles donaven al casc una força addicional. Faltaven els marcs. Un cable estirat entre la proa alta i la popa ajudava a mantenir-los en aquesta posició. La quilla com a tal estava absent: es va substituir per una barra de quilla longitudinal i el pal doble, que es trobava més a prop de la proa, es recolzava als costats, com els vaixells de canyes, el fons dels quals no podia proporcionar-li un suport fiable. Els vaixells de fusta egipcis més antics es van trobar recentment a Abydos, en els enterraments de l'inici de la primera dinastia -època dels reis d'Aha (Menes) o Djer, cap al 3000 aC. e. A diferència dels vaixells de la IV dinastia de Gizeh, van ser enterrats muntats. Van assolir una longitud de 20-30 metres, les taules de revestiment, com era d'esperar, es van subjectar amb cables, els espais entre ells es van calafatear amb fibres de papir.

Des de principis del 3r mil·lenni, Egipte va començar a importar fusta excel·lent de Síria i Àsia Menor (els famosos cedres del Líban), però els elements principals del disseny dels vaixells egipcis van canviar lentament. Aleshores es construïen vaixells navegables de fins a 50 m d'eslora, pensats per a 40 o més remers. Podem jutjar-los pel descobriment fet l'any 1954 a Gizeh del vaixell de 43 metres del rei Keops, que es va col·locar en una cambra subterrània especial en estat desmuntat. El material per a això va ser el cedre libanès, el carpe, el sicómor i l'acàcia. Inicialment, els egipcis feien servir rems curts, com una canoa, sense rems. Els llaços de rem més senzills: llaços de corda que passaven per forats de la borda, van aparèixer cap al 2400 aC. e. El remador s'havia d'aixecar per posar el rem a l'aigua; fent un cop, es va tornar a enfonsar a la banqueta. Paral·lelament, també s'acoblava el rem de govern a la popa, cosa que facilitava el govern del vaixell.
El doble pal recolzat als laterals i el pal ordinari d'un sol pal van existir junts fins al final de la VI dinastia (vers el 2200 aC), després de la qual el doble pal va quedar finalment en desús. Un relleu de la tomba d'Ahibi a Saqqara mostra a la tripulació baixant aquest doble pal.

Fins a finals del III mil·lenni s'utilitzaven pals molt alts (en relació amb el casc), que portaven una vela alta i estreta (al Nil, amb les seves ribes altes, això permetia agafar més eficaçment un bon vent). Quan la vela no s'utilitzava, el pal es retirava dels esglaons i es posava al llarg de la coberta.

El pal estava subjectat per nombrosos sudaris i tirants. Els boscos van aparèixer cap al 2400 aC. e. El pal, originalment col·locat més a prop de la proa, es va desplaçar gradualment cap a la popa. Cap al 1500 aC. e. es col·locava exactament al mig del vaixell, la qual cosa li permetia no només anar directament al vent. La vela s'enganxava amb l'ordal superior al pati, i la inferior al jou (en l'antiguitat, només els egipcis utilitzaven el jou). El foquet tenia el seu propi aparell dempeus, ja que la vela de papir no era prou forta per aguantar-la. El foc estava fixat immòbil, i la vela s'alçava i baixava juntament amb la corda. Els egipcis no utilitzaven politges, per la qual cosa es necessitaven moltes mans per controlar la vela. Cap a l'any 2000, la vela alta va ser substituïda per una vela de forma exactament oposada: baixa i molt ampla.

Els vaixells de mar es construïen seguint el mateix esquema que els vaixells fluvials, amb l'única diferència que per reforçar el casc massa lleuger es feia servir un cable gruixut, estirat entre la proa i la popa, amb una llaçada per sobre de la popa. L'equip el va tirar endavant, girant-lo amb l'ajuda d'un vaga. Una corda fina envoltava el casc a nivell de coberta, evitant que la pell divergués sota la pressió de les bigues de la coberta. Els primers vaixells marítims es poden veure en un relleu d'Abusir, fet cap al 2450, que representa el retorn d'alguna expedició militar.

Els textos egipcis donen informació sobre l'ús de la flota amb finalitats militars. A la inscripció del noble Una d'Abydos, finals del segle XXV. BC e., conté una descripció d'una campanya a l'est contra els beduïns i, en particular, una operació de desembarcament al sud de Palestina, per on passava la frontera egípcia. Aquesta és, òbviament, la descripció més antiga de les accions conjuntes de la flota i les forces terrestres: "Sea Majestat em va enviar a liderar un exèrcit cinc vegades i a pacificar el país dels habitants de les sorres cada vegada que es rebel·laven, amb l'ajuda d'aquests. destacaments Vaig actuar de tal manera que Sa Majestat em va elogiar. Informat "Quins són els rebels entre aquests estrangers al Nas de la Gacela. Vaig creuar en vaixells amb aquests destacaments i vaig desembarcar als alts contraforts de la muntanya al nord del país dels habitants. de les sorres, i la meitat de l'exèrcit va anar per carretera terrestre. Vaig venir i els vaig capturar a tots. Tots els rebels van ser assassinats entre ells". (Inscripció jeroglífica d'Abydos a l'Alt Egipte, dignatari d'Una - contemporani dels reis de la VI dinastia Teti II, Piopi I, Merenra I - mitjans XXV - principis segle XXIV aC, Museu del Caire. Traducció i comentaris de Yu. Ja. Perepelkin) .

Alaric führte seine Soldaten in die reichen, reichen Regionen des Römischen Reiches - Kampanien, Sizilien, mit der Absicht, die Provinz Afrika zu erobern - die Hauptkornkammer des Reiches, die die Römer ernährte. Dieser Plan wurde jedoch aufgrund des Todes von Alaric, der im Alter von 34 Jahren in der Stadt Consen-tion starb, nicht verwirklicht. Er wurde in einem tiefen Grab im Bett des Flusses Buzent begraben, dessen Wasser in einen neuen Kanal umgeleitet wurde. Zusammen mit Alaric wurden zahlreiche Schätze von unschätzbarem Wert begraben, und nachdem das Grab ausgegraben worden war, wurde das Wasser des Flusses in seinen früheren Lauf zurückgeführt. Gefährten von Alaric töteten alle Sklaven, die an diesen Arbeiten teilnahmen, damit niemand das Geheimnis der Beerdigung ihres Anführers erfuhr.

Während die Regierungen der östlichen und westlichen Teile des Reiches versuchten, alle ihre Kräfte zu mobilisieren, um ihre Besitztümer zu schützen, Unruhen und Unruhen im Staat zu stoppen, näherte sich eine neue Gefahr. Der Anführer der Hunnen, Attila, der Herrscher über weite Gebiete und zahlreiche Völker, begann einen Feldzug und eroberte die Stämme, die am rechten Ufer der Donau lebten, und träumte davon, die Ländereien bis nach Konstantinopel in Besitz zu nehmen. Der Kaiser des oströmischen Reiches Theodosius II zahlte Attila 6.000 Pfund Gold, erkannte sich und sein Volk als ewige Untertanen des Anführers der Hunnen an und versprach, ihm jährlich 700 Pfund Gold zu zahlen.

Attila führte seine Truppen in die Besitzungen des Weströmischen Reiches. Damals regierte dort die Mutter des jungen Kaisers Valentinian III., Galla Placidia. Als sie von der Annäherung des Feindes erfuhr, wies sie den Kommandanten der Hofwache Flavius ​​​​Aetius an, die Verteidigung zu führen. Er verbrachte mehrere Jahre in Alaric-Gefangenschaft und kannte die Manieren und Charaktereigenschaften der Barbaren gut. Durch Überredung, Drohungen und Bestechung zog er die Vandalen, Franken und Burgunder auf seine Seite, und vor allem stellte er eine ununterbrochene Lebensmittellieferung nach Rom her.

Im Jahr 451 fand auf den katalanischen Feldern in der Nähe der Stadt Troyes eine „Völkerschlacht“ statt, deren Sieg den Römern und ihren Verbündeten zufiel. Attila floh. Ein Jahr später startete er erneut eine Offensive und wurde erneut besiegt und starb bald. Sein riesiger Staat hörte danach auf zu existieren und zerfiel in kleine Besitztümer, die Opfer ihrer mächtigeren Nachbarn wurden.

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Fast zeitgleich mit Attila starb auch Aetius, einer weiteren Verschwörung zum Opfer fallend, und ein Jahr später seine Schülerin Kaiser Valentinian Sh. ihre Macht.

Geiserich setzte sein Heer auf Schiffe, drang in die Tibermündung ein und eroberte nach kurzer Belagerung am 2. Juli 455 die „ewige Stadt“. Zwei Wochen lang plünderten seine Soldaten die Stadt nicht nur, sondern zerstörten sie völlig sinnlos. Zeitgenossen konnten sich an solche Verwüstungen und Niederlagen nicht erinnern. Einer von ihnen schrieb: „Alles ist zerstört und geplündert. Felder, Städte, alles hat sich verändert. Schwert, Feuer, Hunger – alle Geißeln vernichten die Menschheit auf einmal. Der Frieden ist auf Erden verschwunden: das gemeinsame Ende ist gekommen. Trotzdem hat Rom bis heute überlebt und ist die Hauptstadt Italiens geblieben, und die Vandalen sind längst aus der Arena der Geschichte verschwunden und haben der Nachwelt nur ihren Namen als Symbol sinnloser Zerstörung und Schändung hinterlassen - Vandalismus.

Das weströmische Reich näherte sich unweigerlich einem unrühmlichen Ende, da es sich nie von einer so schrecklichen Invasion erholen konnte. Von 455 bis 476 wurden etwa ein Dutzend Kaiser ersetzt, die keine wirkliche Macht hatten und zu Spielzeug in den Händen von Schurken wurden.

Die Einwohnerzahl der Städte ist zurückgegangen. Einige der Bewohner wurden in die Sklaverei getrieben, andere flohen.

Rom, voller Leben, mit schönen Gebäuden, bewundert von Zeitgenossen, lag im Sterben: Viele alte Familien verschwanden, andere fristeten ein desaströses Dasein, große Paläste standen leer und alles darin war tot ... 476, einer der einflussreichsten Deutsche Söldner, der Kommandant Odoaker setzte den letzten Kaiser Romulus ab, der vom Volk verächtlich Augustus-tul - Auguston genannt wurde. Odoacer verschonte sein Leben, brachte ihn in einer ihm geschenkten Villa in Kampanien unter und wies ihm eine großzügige Zulage zu. Odoaker selbst wurde vom Kaiser des Oströmischen Reiches Zeno als Mitherrscher anerkannt. Der 23. August 476 gilt als Datum des Untergangs des Weströmischen Reiches und des Endes der Antike. Eine neue Periode der Geschichte begann - das Mittelalter, und neue Staaten wurden auf den Ruinen eines Teils des Römischen Reiches gegründet: Westgoten, Burgunder, Franken, Alemannen, Ostgoten und Vandalen. Jeder von ihnen hatte seine eigene Geschichte.

Was geschah neben den Bewohnern des Weströmischen Reiches, als es aufhörte zu existieren? Die Mehrheit des einfachen Volkes hatte neue Herrscher, und der römische Adel begann, denen treu zu dienen, die er kürzlich verachtet und Barbaren genannt hatte. Diese wiederum schätzten das Wissen ihrer neuen Untertanen, gaben ihnen bereitwillig hohe Positionen und statteten sie mit Ländereien und Sklaven aus. Die Kinder und Enkel der ehemaligen Barbaren, die die alten Städte so fürchteten und hassten und sie "Vogelkäfige" oder "vergoldete Gräber" nannten, begannen, ihre Hauptstädte, Festungen, Residenzschlösser zu bauen und alle Merkmale einer neuen Art anzunehmen des Lebens für sie. Barbaren sind keine Barbaren mehr.


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Ganze Wochen hintereinander erscheinen die gleichen Bilder vor den Augen des Reisenden: entweder grenzenlose Ebenen, die in der gelblichen Farbe des verwelkten Grases des vergangenen Jahres schimmern, dann schwärzliche, von Wind und Zeit verwehte Felskämme, dann sanft abfallende Hügel, weiter auf deren Spitzen manchmal die Silhouette einer schnellfüßigen Antilope gezeichnet ist. So schrieb ein Mann, der die Weiten Zentralasiens bereiste.

Das Bild ist freilich düster. Ein solcher Eindruck täuscht jedoch. Diese Länder sind der Geburtsort vieler Völker der Antike. Von hier aus tauchten im Laufe der Jahrhunderte wie aus einer magischen Schmiede militante Nomadenhelden auf, ersetzten einander und gründeten Gewerkschaften und Staaten, die eine bedeutende Rolle im Schicksal von Ost und West spielten.

Zu Beginn des 1. Jahrtausends v. Stämme nomadischer Hirten tauchten in den Steppen Eurasiens auf. Sie bewegten sich gemächlich mit Rinder- und Pferdeherden und besiedelten und besiedelten weite Gebiete von der Schwarzmeerregion bis nach Zentralasien. Leben und Bräuche unterschieden sie scharf von den Völkern der Agrarregionen. Viel später, als in Europa und Asien bereits mächtige Staaten entstanden waren, schien das Leben der Nomaden unverändert geblieben zu sein. Der römische Geschichtsschreiber Ammianus Marcellinus schrieb über sie: „Alle von ihnen ... ziehen an verschiedenen Orten umher, als wären sie ewige Flüchtlinge, mit Wagen, in denen sie ihr Leben verbringen. Hier weben die Frauen elende Kleider für sie, schlafen mit ihren Männern, bringen Kinder zur Welt und ernähren sie bis zur Reife. Niemand kann die Frage beantworten, wo seine Heimat liegt: Er wurde an einem Ort gezeugt, weit weg von dort geboren, noch weiter entfernt aufgezogen. Auf ihren Wanderungen durch die Berge und Wälder wird ihnen von klein auf beigebracht, Hunger, Kälte und Durst zu ertragen.

Der Historiker bemerkte die Treue zu den Traditionen des Nomadenlebens, seinen ungeschriebenen Gesetzen, die für das Leben der Steppenbewohner charakteristisch sind. Bei Zusammenstößen mit Nachbarn bewaffneten sich Männer mit Bögen, Pfeilen und mi, wählten einen Kommandanten und führten einen Feldzug durch, wobei sie den Haushalt den Frauen überließen. Die Verletzung der Militärdisziplin oder beispielsweise das Ziehen einer Waffe gegen einen Nachbarn wurde mit dem Tod bestraft. Bei geringfügigen Verstößen wurde der Täter mit Schnittwunden im Gesicht markiert.

https://yandex.ru/search/?lr=10524&clid=2270453&win=250&text=https%3A%2F%2Fall-andorra.com%2Fcategory%2Fthe-cities-of-the-pyrenees%2F
https://gab.com/All_Pyrenees/posts/108147361457250010

After the death of Cyrus, which followed in 525 BC. e., he was succeeded by Cambyses, who undertook the conquest of Egypt. The conquered Phoenicians and the Greeks of Asia Minor were forced to put their ships at the disposal of the Persians. With the help of the fleet created in this way, and with the participation of the leader of the Greek mercenaries, Phaneus, Cambyses became the ruler of Egypt. After his death, which followed in 522 BC. e., Darius Hystaspes became king of Persia.

To these wars has something to do with Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, who deserves to be mentioned as a representative of the Greek maritime power. The Samians, who achieved success in the field of shipbuilding, navigation, industry, agriculture and mining, were distinguished, in addition, by enterprise and ingenuity. The father of Polycrates, the head of the Samian fleet, raised an uprising against aristocratic rule, overthrew him and became a tyrant. After his death, power passed to his three sons. Polycrates killed one brother, expelled another, and became sole ruler (in 536 BC). Possessing outstanding abilities, ambitious and rich, in a short time he built a fleet of 100 fifty-oared ships, which no other could equal. With such a fleet, reigning over the sea, he began to conduct sea robbery throughout the Archipelago: he imposed tribute on the port cities, defeated the Milesians and Lesbos, destroyed the cities that resisted him, conquered Delos and the islands adjacent to it, and took possession of the entire Archipelago; he even intended to establish a Greco-Ionian maritime union with the sacred island of Delos as its center; however, the city of Samos was to remain the capital, which he, with the help of the conquered treasures, made the most beautiful of cities, attracting scientists, artists and poets.

Having no rivals at sea, Polycrates nevertheless feared Persian power. Therefore, he offered Cambyses, during a campaign against the Egyptian king Amasis, his former friend and ally, a squadron of forty ships, on which he put his political opponents, thinking to get rid of them. On the way to Egypt, the latter rebelled and, returning back, defeated Polycrates, who came out to meet them at the head of the remaining fleet. But they did not have enough strength to take Samos, and they turned to Sparta for help against the tyrant, which was provided to them by Sparta and Corinth. The Spartans first undertook a sea campaign that ended in failure. The allies besieged Polycrates in his fortified city, which perfectly withstood all their assaults, and were forced to lift the siege after forty days. The immediate danger for Polycrates was over, but he no longer had either a fleet or money to build a new one. At this time, the ambassadors of the Persian satrap Oroetes came to him, inviting him to his place and offering to share their treasures with him, since he, Oroetes, fell out of favor with Cambyses. Polycrates let himself be fooled and drove off; on arrival, he was captured and crucified. Thus ended the eventful and brilliant period of Samian maritime power.

https://all-andorra.com/ru/shato-dagilar-odin-iz-zamkov-na-strazhe-karkassona/





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https://zen.yandex.ru/media/energovector/strashnyi-son-praviascih-elit52-5f69801f94e9b0682f8462df

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The map of modern Italy is replete with the names of cities - small and large, industrial centers and provincial towns. Many of these cities grew up on Italian soil during the Middle Ages. In the 11th-12th centuries, freed from the power of ecclesiastical and secular feudal lords, Italian cities become free communes - but few retain one form of republic or another, and only three of them grew from small settlements into medieval states of European significance. These are Venice, Genoa and Florence.


Even in the Roman era, there was Florence - a colony of Rome in the flowering valley of the Arno River, and Genoa - a busy Roman port on the coast of the Ligurian Sea; after the barbarian ruin and decline, they are reborn in the 9th century. The Venetians consider the legendary date of March 25, 421, to be the beginning of their history, when the refugees, fleeing the hordes of Attila, settled on the swampy islands of the sea lagoon. In the ninth century there already existed the city of Rialto (from the Latin rivus alteus - "high coast"); the name "Venice" appears only in the XIII century.


The owners of the cities changed - Romans, barbarians and Byzantines, leaders and kings, bishops and emperors. In the ninth century Venice finally comes out from under the power of Byzantium, and Genoa and Florence cease to obey the heirs of Charlemagne.


In the IX-XII centuries. Italian cities, realizing their strength and interests, ahead of the rest of Europe, flourish economically and politically. A variety of crafts are being revived: blacksmithing, glassmaking, weaving, sewing, wood carving, and jewelry. Stone construction begins; in Venice in the ninth century. the famous Cathedral of St. Mark is being built - its heavenly patron (St. George was considered the patron of Genoa, John the Baptist of Florence). At the same time, Italian cities are actively involved in world trade.



The resources of Genoa and Venice did not allow to feed the population, even bread had to be brought from afar. Italy itself was at the crossroads of medieval trade routes. Along the sea roads, the rivers of Northern Italy and further, through the Alpine passes, there was a path connecting the growing cities of Europe with the fabulously rich East, from where they brought silks, spices, sugar, cotton, paints, wines, precious stones, carpets and mirrors - in a word, everything that so attracted the wealthy estates of the West. The resale of oriental goods gave merchants-intermediaries a huge profit. Therefore, Venice and Genoa, and behind them the overland Florence, which was previously limited to the role of the trade and craft center of Italy, are betting on world trade. From now on, Italian merchants settle in the ports of the Levant, Egypt, Byzantium, in the trading cities of Europe and at the largest fairs. They could be recognized immediately - energetic, temperamental, favorably differing in manners and education from their uncouth feudal clients. Enemies and competitors, however, also knew the Italians as prudent businessmen, smart and treacherous politicians, subtle diplomats, daring and ruthless conquerors, brave and skillful sailors and desperate pirates, who surprisingly combined excellent cynicism with extreme piety. Fate connected them with the sea - and they were ready to do anything to seize the sea trade routes, harbors and coasts. For four centuries, the Venetians have been stubbornly fighting for the eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea - Dalmatia; a hundred years of crusades give them numerous trading posts in the East.

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https://all-andorra.blogspot.com/2020/09/teletype-archives-28092020-1.html

The young king really amazed his contemporaries: he did not tolerate luxury, walked in a simple blue uniform, without a wig, led a Spartan lifestyle and was distinguished by reckless courage. This courage sometimes looked like boyish hooliganism and baffled those close to him. It cost nothing to Charles, shouting to his retinue “Follow me!”, Without any explanation, gallop for several miles to appear before Augustus II, whom he had just forced to abdicate the Polish throne. And all this in order to declare with a seductive smile that he, they say, “came to say goodbye”, wave his hat and disappear. People from the retinue who accompanied Charles on his adventure told with horror that the king was not killed or captured only because Augustus was dumbfounded and speechless with surprise. Carl, who believed in his genius, checked fate to see if she was keeping him. And fate kept him.

In 1707 Charles XII was at the zenith of his glory. However, his military affairs in the east were far from being brilliant: Peter I recaptured the bases in Estonia and Livonia (modern Estonia and Latvia) from the Swedes, in 1704 Narva fell. But the Europeans did not attach any importance to this and still did not take Russia seriously. Karl, learning about the construction of St. Petersburg, grinned: “Let him build. It will still be ours." He lived with memories of the Narva victory and the easy reprisals against Denmark and Poland, surrounded by reverence and flattery. He allowed himself to interfere in the affairs of the Austrian Empire under the pretext of protecting the Austrian Protestants - his fellow believers. The instrument of influence was the army, which stood at the borders of the country. The Austrian emperor Joseph said bitterly that, thank God, Charles XII did not demand that he himself become a Protestant.

But among the glory and groveling of diplomats, Charles XII did not forget about the intentions that were born to him after the Narva victory and have been kept secret since then. “I never mentioned these plans to any person in the world,” he later wrote. The new Alexander remembered his eastern country, Russia.
Peter I learned a lesson from his defeat and took up the transformation of the state and the army. But for Charles, the victory at Narva had fatal consequences. The 18-year-old king, still inexperienced in state affairs, saw his true calling in leading victorious armies on the battlefield. To win, war is necessary, and this business becomes his manic passion. Karl seriously believed that a new Alexander of Macedon had come to earth in his person. The flattery of the courtiers fueled this dangerous idea. After some time, General Stenbock, an entourage of the king, wrote in alarm: “The king no longer thinks about anything, as soon as about the war, he no longer listens to advice; he takes on the appearance that God directly inspires him what he should do.


__________________________!!!!!!
The victory near Narva attracted the attention of Europe to Sweden. France and its rivals, the "sea powers" England and Holland, who fought for the Spanish inheritance, saw a possible ally in the warlike king. They tried their best to win him over to their side. Karl was offered mediation in concluding a profitable peace with Russia, allocated subsidies and, of course, praised his military genius. The king listened to flattering speeches, accepted money, but did not enter the war for the Spanish succession, since he was not assigned the main role in this enterprise. Karl wanted to control the fate of peoples, and such an opportunity was provided to him in the East. Before the Macedonian king lay the power of the Achaemenids, before Charles XII - Russia.

V 1701 g. Karl reshal, kem iz nedobitykh vragov zanyat'sya. Yego vybor ostanovilsya na saksonskom kurfyurste Avguste II, kotoryy odnovremenno yavlyalsya korolem Pol'shi. Voyennyye deystviya razvernulis' na territorii sovremennoy Pribaltiki. Karl XII deystvoval ves'ma uspeshno, odnako dostat' Avgusta okazalos' ne tak prosto, poskol'ku tot vol voynu ot litsa Saksonii. S Pol'skim zhe gosudarstvom Shvetsiya ne voyevala. Karl nashel vykhod iz etogo strannogo polozheniya: on potreboval, ni mnogo ni malo, chtoby polyaki lishili Avgusta prestola. Polyaki otkazalis', no shvedskiy korol' ne znal slova «net». On bez promedleniya vtorgsya v Pol'shu. Vytesniv Avgusta v Saksoniyu, Karl reshil «sostryapat' polyakam novogo korolya». I deystvitel'no «sostryapal» — molodogo, maloizvestnogo dvoryanina Stanislava Leshchinskogo, gotovogo otstaivat' shvedskiye interesy. Pol'sha sdelalas' soyuznitsey Shvetsii. Voyna prodolzhalas' na territorii Saksonii, i vskore Avgust II byl vynuzhden prinyat' ul'timatum Shvetsii, soglasno kotoromu on otkazyvalsya na vse vremena ot pol'skoy korony i rastorgal vse vrazhdebnyye Shvetsii soyuzy.
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In 1701, Karl decided which of the unfinished enemies to deal with. His choice settled on the Saxon elector Augustus II, who was also the king of Poland. Military operations unfolded on the territory of the modern Baltic states. Charles XII acted very successfully, but it was not so easy to get Augustus, since he waged war on behalf of Saxony. Sweden did not fight with the Polish state. Karl found a way out of this strange situation: he demanded, no less, that the Poles dethrone Augustus. The Poles refused, but the Swedish king did not know the word "no". He immediately invaded Poland. After driving Augustus into Saxony, Charles decided to "concoct a new king for the Poles." And he really “concocted” a young, little-known nobleman Stanislav Leshchinsky, who was ready to defend Swedish interests. Poland became an ally of Sweden. The war continued on the territory of Saxony, and soon Augustus II was forced to accept an ultimatum from Sweden, according to which he renounced the Polish crown for all time and terminated all alliances hostile to Sweden.

Cannons and arquebuses roared. In the diverse and crowded surroundings of the Inca, it was difficult for the Indian warriors, dumbfounded by the sudden attack, to organize resistance. The cavalry left no hope for the screaming, panicked crowd. Pizarro with a group of soldiers made his way to the throne of the Inca and captured him. The Indians stopped fighting. The pogrom lasted only half an hour. In and around the square, according to Francisco Jerez, Pisarro's personal secretary, 2,000 corpses remained. The conquistadors suffered no casualties at all. Atahualpa, outwardly remaining calm, said: "This is a common thing in war: either win or be defeated."

Could a former swineherd, who never mastered the wisdom of literacy, imagine that such a triumph would be in his life? The winners captured the richest trophies, but the Inca himself turned out to be the most valuable. Pizarro narrowed the boundaries of the emperor's possessions to one room measuring 22 feet long and 16 feet wide. Atahualpa promised to fill this room with jewels up to the height of a raised hand for his release. The Spaniard, of course, agreed.

The gold rush has begun. A red line was drawn along the walls in the room of the Inca at the appointed place, and hundreds of messengers went to all parts of the empire. And the riches created by many generations of people flowed in an uninterrupted stream to Kaja-marka. The gold and silver of the temples of the Sun and the palaces of the great cities of Cusco, Huamachuco, Huyla-sa, Puitou and Siklalama were sacrificed to the short-sightedness of Atahualpa.

He did not doubt the imminent release and thought about the future. And this future could be crossed out by the brother and legitimate heir of Huascar, who could be used in their own interests by the Spaniards. Through faithful men who were among those who brought gold, Atahualpa ordered the destruction of Wa-scar. And he was drowned in the Anda-mana River, drowned, because, according to the belief of the Incas, only a drowned man will never rise again.

The gullible Atahualpa found peace: the main rival in the struggle for the throne became a ghost, and he has freedom ahead - after all, he, the powerful Inca, poured jewels to the greedy Spaniards to the red line ...
What were the treasures received from Atahualpa, and how did the conquistadors divide them among themselves? Gold was collected in the amount of 15.5 million gold pesos and 25,805 pounds of silver. After a fifth of all the treasures were allocated to the royal crown, the rest was distributed as follows: Pizarro received 57,222 gold pesos and 1,175 pounds of silver, as well as the golden throne of the Inca, valued at 25 thousand gold pesos. His brother Hernando received 31,800 gold pesos and 1,175 pounds of silver, each cavalryman 8,880 and 181, respectively, and each infantryman 4,440 and 90 and a half pounds of silver.

Having become the owner of fabulous wealth, Pizarro nevertheless was in no hurry to provide the promised freedom to the royal prisoner. He understood that Atahualpa would stop at nothing, wanting to avenge the insult, and then it would hardly be possible not only to save the trophies obtained, but also to save a life. To prevent this, Pizarro decided to arrange a trial for the Inca. Atahualpa was accused of killing Huascar, illegally seizing the throne, idolatry, polygamy, embezzling the treasury, and even preparing an anti-Spanish coup. The verdict - burning alive at the stake - chilled Atahualpa's soul. It was not a painful death that was terrible - the warrior was not afraid of it. The Incas believed in immortality at the end of earthly life, but only if the body of the deceased was embalmed.

That is why Atahualpa was horrified by the thought of death. Shortly before the start of the execution, Valverde once again invited the emperor to accept the Christian faith. The Inca flatly refused. And then the priest offered him to change the fire for a noose, but with the condition of obligatory baptism. Atahualpa agreed, receiving the name Juan during the ceremony. Then, to the sound of religious psalms performed by several Spaniards, the life of a thirty-year-old Inca was cut short. The continuation of the judicial hypocrisy of the self-proclaimed servants of Themis was a sophisticated mockery of the memory of the deceased: the next day, Pizarro arranged a solemn funeral, in which he himself and other conquistadors, dressed in mourning clothes, took part. The executioners "mourned" the victim. In fairness, it must be said that some Spaniards protested against this trial and especially the death sentence, believing that Charles V should decide the fate of Atahualpa.

The death of Atahualpa plunged the Inca empire into chaos, which Pizarro took full advantage of, subduing it with "little blood", almost without suffering losses.

According to one of the Aztec legends, the world was completely destroyed four times by tigers, hurricanes, fire and water. After each such catastrophe, mankind arose anew, having inherited absolutely nothing from previous generations. It is curious that after the third cataclysm, according to the Aztecs, some of the remaining people turned into monkeys, and after the fourth, it became necessary to create a new Sun.

And then, as the legend says, the gods gathered in Teotihuacan and asked each other which of them would dare to "take care that there was a day, that there was light." (Teotihuacan is the center of one of the most important pre-Columbian civilizations of Central Mexico, the Toltec civilization (I-XII centuries AD). Currently, this ancient city, located 50 km from the Mexican capital, left the pyramids of the Moon and the Sun, the ruins of palaces and temples, monuments of sculpture and colorful paintings.The city center is crossed by the main street - the Road of the Dead 4 km long.) And two gods volunteered to do this - the powerful and arrogant "ruler of shells" god Tecuxistecatl and the poor, extraordinarily brave god Nanahuatzin. In Teotihuacan, a fire blazed that had been burning for four years. These two gods, who volunteered to sacrifice themselves for the creation of a new luminary, had to rush into it. The tongues of flame did not frighten only Nana-uacin, and the cowardly Tecuxistecatl preferred to rot in the resulting ashes of the fire. And it is not surprising that since then, radiance and brilliance come from Nanahuatzin, who became the god of the Sun, and deathly pallor - from Tecuxistekatl, who turned into the god of the Moon.

However, in order not to dim the brilliance of the Sun, the god of war Uitzilopochtli had to wage a fierce battle daily with the stars and the Moon. In this difficult confrontation, only the souls of those who died on the battlefield or were sacrificed could help him. This is how the idea of ​​human sacrifice arose. It is central to the religion of the Aztecs, who justified it as follows. People cannot live without the daily participation of the gods, and they, in turn, need a person to support them, sacrificing their own life for this. From it, the gods receive a life-giving magical substance for themselves, contained in the blood and in the human heart...



They were joined by a part of their former opponents - the popolans, who became landowners, and a significant part of the common people, which the merchants in power ripped off like sticky. The whole 14th century for Florence, it passed under the sign of unrest, conspiracies, riots (of which the largest was the uprising of carders - ciompi) and various foreign invasions. The contradictions could not be smoothed out by any improvements and rearrangements in the authorities, about which Dante wrote with irony:

The subtlest charters of the master,
you will try them on in October, it happened,
and demolish by mid-November.



In fact, in Florence, power at this time passes to the workshops. It is they, and not communal councils, who have a real influence on the life of the city. This did not happen in other republics.

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In Genoa, the struggle between noble landowners and merchants, Guelphs and Ghibellines, determined the life of the city during the 13th century. At the beginning of the 14th century, the Polanska commune reigned. The grandees are sent into exile, and the rivalry of strong Polan families begins - Fieschi, Adorio, Fregoso. The doge of the republic sometimes changed several times a year, however, as a contemporary wrote, invariably "from bad to worse." Despite internal turmoil, Genoa is actively fighting Venice for power over the sea. Finally, the Genoese rushed to the East, and the Venetians to the West; the war for spheres of influence ends in a draw. But battles and unrest weakened Genoa so much that it first submits to France, then to Milan, and this gives rise to a new series of internal conflicts between "patriots" and "traitors". However, the economic strength of Genoa remains, the Bank of St. George, established in 1407, whose clients were almost all the monarchs of Europe, in particular the Spanish king, acquires great importance.

Venice in the war with Genoa did not gain anything, but did not lose anything either. Wealth, possessions, independence - everything remained with her. The reason for this happy outcome was the internal unity of the Venetian state. While other republics, unable to maintain themselves at the stage of democracy, constantly slipped into anarchy or foreign tyranny, in Venice the power of the patrician oligarchy was being strengthened. There were not so many land holdings for the feudal nobility to have significant influence. The number of families with the right to participate in communal councils was limited to a very narrow circle of old wealthy families. The power of the doge extended no further than the right to give wise advice. Attempts of coups and uprisings of the Republic of St. Mark (as Venice was called) nipped in the bud and henceforth, in the event of such troubles, the Council of Ten (deciumvirate) was established - an intelligence and secret investigation body for cases of treason. The Council's judgment was swift and merciless. Legislative power remained in the hands of wealthy patricians. Wealthy townspeople made only one concession: they were subject to the laws of the republic.



In 1789 the French Revolution began. Paris spread the coveted and incomprehensible word "freedom" to all corners of the country. The Bastille fell and the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen" was adopted. Many were surprised to learn that "people are born and remain free and equal in rights", which, it turns out, they have. France was seething with passion. Napoleon enthusiastically accepted what had happened. A passionate patriot of Corsica, he yearned for freedom for his little island and hurried home. The fiery revolutionary, who rushed to make Corsica happy with the spirit of Freedom, was surprised to notice the indifference and even gloating about the "confusion on the continent." Cheerfully, Napoleon decorated his house in Ajaccio with the slogans “Long live the nation! Long live Paoli! Long live Mirabeau! But both the French nation and the idol of Paris, Mirabeau, left the Corsicans indifferent. Here Paoli is independence, it was clear. Finally, the hero-liberator Paoli appeared. Napoleon, who wrote the history of Corsica and its struggle for freedom while still at school, tried to ingratiate himself with his idol. But in vain. Paoli did not forget the "betrayal" of Napoleon's father, Carlo Buonaparte, and was not going to forgive even his son. Napoleon carried the ideas of the French Revolution, while Paoli had somewhat different plans. In general, Napoleon became the political and personal enemy of his former idol. He had to escape from arrest by running at night along a mountain path to the other end of the island. In 1791, the future emperor left Corsica with his family for France and never returned to his native island.


On 9 Thermidor (July 27), 1794, a coup d'état took place. The Jacobin government was overthrown and executed. Their supporters and people close to them were persecuted. General Buonaparte was among them. Miraculously, he escaped arrest and execution, but was forced to resign. So at the age of 24 he became a retired general.

In 1795 the hero of Toulon was remembered. In Vendémière (September) a royalist mutiny broke out in Paris. The French government instructed Napoleon to suppress it. On the 13th of Vendémière, having shot the royalists with cannons, he restored calm in the capital. It was clearly a very dashing general. True, almost no one remembered the victory in 1793, there were many glorious victories, and the execution of rebels is not a victory over the enemy in battle.

However, having turned from the hero of Toulon into the "General Vandemière", Napoleon once again declared himself. He began to be needed. After two years of poverty and oblivion, he again felt on horseback.

General Bonaparte (no longer Buonaparte), as a true Frenchman, proposed to the government a plan for the conquest of Italy. They gave him an army. Naked, hungry, inexperienced, very young. Napoleon, burning with the desire to fight, did not really pay attention to such trifles. He hoped to find everything he needed in Italy, and in the spring of 1796 he launched an Italian campaign.

Northern Italy was then under Austrian rule. The first battle took place in the mountains, near the village of Montenotto. And the French army won it. “We started with Montenotto,” Bonaparte said with pride later. Other major battles with the Austrian army (Arcol and Lo-di) also ended in victory. French troops took Venice and Rome. The Austrians sued for peace. General Bonaparte signed the peace on his own. Paris was forced to approve this, because he was the only general to win such brilliant victories. The banners of the defeated armies fell at the feet of the admiring France, the trophies flowed like a river. Bonaparte became the most popular man.

In 1798 he returned to Paris with a peace treaty and a plan for a new campaign, this time in Egypt. France was at war with England. England on her island was invulnerable, because France did not have a strong fleet, and Bonaparte offered to conquer Egypt - an English colony.


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Barbaren, sowohl Gefangene als auch Freie, ließen sich die Römer auf den vom Krieg verwüsteten Ländern nieder und nutzten sie als Arbeitskräfte. Gut ausgebildete, wohlhabende Barbaren tauchten auch in der römischen Gesellschaft auf, was es ihnen ermöglichte, wichtige Positionen am kaiserlichen Hof zu besetzen, der der weit verbreiteten Mode für barbarische Kostüme, Frisuren, Verhalten und Konversation nicht fremd war. Kaiser Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ging wegen seiner Leidenschaft für barbarische Kleidung unter dem Namen Caracalla in die Geschichte ein: Die Deutschen nannten einen langen Umhang „Caracalla“. Es kam vor, dass Nichtrömer auf dem Thron des Römischen Reiches saßen: Die Kaiser Diokletian und Maximian waren Illyrer.

Die Barbaren, die im Römischen Reich eine privilegierte Stellung einnahmen, die höchsten Würdenträger, wurden zu den eigentlichen Herrschern des Staates, der Ende des 4. - Anfang des 5. Jahrhunderts eine schwere Krise durchmachte. ANZEIGE Dies wurde durch zahlreiche Fälle des Auftretens von Usurpatoren belegt, die die kaiserliche Macht beanspruchten, das Volk aufregten und die Städte und Ländereien der Reichen eroberten. Ganze Regionen erklärten ihre Unabhängigkeit von der Zentralregierung. Die Armee weigerte sich, die Interessen des Imperiums zu verteidigen, und die Desertion breitete sich aus. Das menschliche Leben hat an Wert verloren.

Damals begann die Wiederbelebung an den Grenzen des Reiches.

Massenbewegungen von Stämmen, ihre Invasion von der Peripherie in das Territorium des Römischen Reiches, die zum Verlust seines westlichen Teils führte, nannten Historiker die "Große Völkerwanderung". Es begann im 4. bis 7. Jahrhundert, als die Nomaden Zentralasiens - die Hunnen, die in mehreren Jahrhunderten große Entfernungen zurückgelegt hatten - die fruchtbaren Ebenen zwischen Wolga und Don erreichten. Hier gründeten die Nachkommen der Hunnen, die die Sprache und Geschichte ihrer Vorfahren vergaßen, sich auch äußerlich veränderten, aber ihre Militanz und Grausamkeit in Kämpfen mit Feinden nicht verloren, eine Stammesunion. Sie wurden Hunnen genannt, die Eroberer der im Donbecken lebenden Alanen und zahlreicher Ostgoten (Ostgoten) der Schwarzmeerregion. Die Repressalien der Sieger über die Besiegten waren so furchtbar, dass ihre Nachbarn, die Westgoten (Westgoten), ihre Todesstunde nicht abwarteten und unter dem Schutz der römischen Grenzbefestigungen über die Donau in die Länder der Römer flohen. Sie wurden in Moesia angesiedelt, da sie den Status von Konföderierten erhielten - Verbündete des Reiches, in der Hoffnung, dass die Flüchtlinge die Besitztümer des Reiches vor den Übergriffen der gewaltigen Hunnen schützen und schützen würden.
Es kam jedoch alles anders: Die Ländereien von Moesia waren arm und konnten eine so große Zahl von Flüchtlingen nicht ernähren; Lokale Beamte nutzten die Notlage der Goten, erpressten und plünderten Lebensmittel und Geld, das von der Zentralregierung geschickt wurde, um die Unglücklichen zu unterstützen. Der letzte Strohhalm, der den Becher der Geduld zum Überlaufen brachte, war der Verrat der Römer. Der Gouverneur der Region lud die bereiten Führer zu seinem Empfang ein. Während sie schmausten, unterbrachen die Wachen des Gouverneurs sie, nachdem sie die zu einem bewaffneten Zusammenstoß bereiten Kämpfer provoziert hatten. Die Empörung erfasste das ganze Volk der Goten. Nachdem sie Fritigern, einen tapferen und kampferprobten Mann, zum Anführer gewählt hatten, eroberten die Rebellen eine römische Stadt nach der anderen. Die Invasion ergoss sich wie ein stürmischer Fluss über die Länder des Imperiums. Es stellte sich heraus, dass die Regierung nicht die Macht hatte, ihn aufzuhalten. Zwei Jahre lang versuchte Kaiser Valens erfolglos, Truppen für den Kampf gegen die Goten zu sammeln. Die ihnen entgegengesandten Abteilungen stellten sich auf die Seite der Rebellen. Es war eine gewaltige Warnung, ein Beweis für die Demoralisierung der Gesellschaft, als sich die Heimat – der römische Staat – in eine riesige Maschinerie der Gewalt und Unterdrückung verwandelte und „Fremde“ sich „ihren“ näherten.

Der Kaiser des westlichen Teils des Reiches, Gratian, begann hastig nach einem Kommandanten zu suchen, der eine Zurückweisung der Rebellen organisieren und das Reich retten könnte. Es stellte sich heraus, dass es sich um Theodosius handelte, einen gebürtigen Spanier, der Rom sein ganzes Leben lang treu diente und nicht damit rechnete, August zu werden. Als kluger Mann wandte er sich an die gotischen Führer, als er erkannte, dass er sich nicht auf seine Landsleute verlassen konnte, um Hilfe. Es wurde ein Abkommen geschlossen, wonach ihnen das Recht gewährt wurde, in den Ländern Kleinasiens zu leben; außerdem verpflichtete sich die Regierung, sie zusätzlich mit Getreide und Vieh zu versorgen und sie von Steuern und Zöllen zu befreien. Die Goten versprachen auch, jährlich 40.000 Soldaten aufzustellen.

Die römische Gesellschaft befand sich im Niedergang. Die Machthaber waren nur mit ihren eigenen Interessen beschäftigt, wollten nicht bemerken, dass das Reich zunehmend von Feinden bedrängt wurde, und die meisten Menschen sahen sie als Befreier. Menschen, die sich ernsthaft um das Schicksal des Reiches sorgten, wurden in der Gesellschaft gemieden, als nutzlos angesehen. Einmal wurde beschlossen, Rom von Fremden und Schurken zu säubern, da es immer schwieriger wurde, die riesige Bevölkerung der Stadt zu ernähren. Die Ergebnisse dieser Kampagne waren unerwartet: Nur Gelehrte wurden rücksichtslos aus der Stadt vertrieben. Aber zahlreiche Sänger und Tänzer gediehen weiterhin, umgeben von einer großen Anzahl von Dienern.

Sparta was already tired of waging war with the Persians, now transferred to the sea, costing a lot of money, threatening new losses of people and, moreover, contributing to the decomposition of strict Spartan morals. Therefore, Sparta refused further participation in this war, leaving it to Athens. Thus, maritime hegemony passed to Athens without a struggle and without violating the alliance made in 480 BC. e. in Isthma. Themistocles' goal was achieved: Athens achieved undeniable superiority at sea.

In fact, Athens had all the data to obtain maritime hegemony even at the conclusion of the Isthmian alliance in 481 BC. e., but Themistocles decided to abandon the claims, despite the overwhelming preponderance of the Athenian ships over the Spartan ones, in order not to violate the agreement in the matter of national defense.

The Athenian commanders in Byzantium, no doubt, very willingly accepted the offer of the allies to assume leadership and immediately set about concluding a maritime alliance in which, under the leadership of Athens, all Greek states could act as equal members and without losing their independence. The goals of the alliance were to repulse the attacks of the Persians and protect all members of the alliance from them, to protect the freedom of the sea and maritime communications and trade, especially in Pontus; finally, an attack on the Persian coasts and plundering them to compensate for the losses suffered by the allies during the Persian invasions. In a word, the alliance pursued only military goals, especially since part of the Greek coastal cities were still in the hands of the Persians.

At the same time, it was decided that each member of the alliance was obliged to contribute a certain amount to the conduct of the war, as the Spartans were paid earlier in the conduct of the land war. The states that possessed warships had to provide them with commands to the union and maintain them at their own expense; those who did not have ships were taxed in cash. Athens, as the dominant power, exercised supreme command over the fleet, disposed of money, had a chairmanship at the union meeting and had the right to convene it.


The allied council met and met in the temple of Apollo on the island of Delos, in the same temple all the values ​​\u200b\u200bof the union were stored, for the management of which there were special allied treasurers. Each member of the union had the right to vote and all questions (about war, peace, etc.) were decided by voting.

The allies unanimously entrusted the distribution of taxes to Aristide, who, with his unsullied disinterestedness and selflessness, as well as a benevolent attitude towards people, deserved universal sympathy and love. He accepted this difficult assignment and, having traveled all over the allies, immediately carried it out to everyone's satisfaction. His distribution of taxes, even in the next generation, was considered exemplary.

Matriculation contributions were collected every four years. The suppositions that the amount of these contributions reached 460 talents from the very beginning must be recognized as erroneous. In the first years it was equal to only 154 talents, and only five years later, with the addition of new members of the union, did it reach the mentioned figure and even exceed it.

To simplify office work, all members of the union were initially divided into three districts: the Hellespont, to which the cities near the Hellespont and the Bosphorus belonged (with the exception of the Thracian Chersonese, as well as the islands of Tenedos, Prokonnes and Bezbik in Propontis); Ionian - to which belonged the islands of the Asia Minor coast from Lesbos to Samos, as well as the Ionian and Aeolian cities that joined the union; finally, the island district, which was Delos and the Cyclades, except for Andros, and Euboea without Carist; this district did not include, however, the small islands lying north of Euboea along the Greek coast as far as Thrace.

The transfer of hegemony in the maritime alliance to the Athenians changed the plans of Pausanias, who managed to justify himself from the accusations raised against him in Sparta, where he enjoyed general respect and had great connections. On a trireme, loaned to him by the city of Hermione in Argolis, he returned to Byzantium the next summer (477 BC), and undertook this on his own initiative. Nevertheless, Gongil surrendered Byzantium to him, Sestos also fell into his hands, and thus the passage to Pontus was again under his control. He began to lead a life in an oriental style and rule like the Persian satraps.


The Lacedaemonians did not object to the actions of Pausanias, but the Athenians decided to take up arms against him. Despite his youth, they entrusted the command of this expedition to Kimon, who thus began his brilliant military career. He took Sestos and laid siege to Byzantium, which he forced to surrender in 476 BC. e.

Pausanias went to Columns in Troas, from where he continued his relations with Xerxes, who gave him large estates in those places to his trusted Gongil. It can be assumed that the Persians deliberately kept Pausanias for several years, preventing his ardent ambition from unfolding, until he was again summoned to Sparta, where reliable news of his actions were received.

He set off, still hoping, surprisingly, for his influence and connections. Upon arrival, he was immediately arrested on charges of conspiracy, but then released again for lack of evidence. Finally, in 472 BC. e. one of the ephors, who was at enmity with him, managed to find evidence of his relations with Xerxes and the preparation of an uprising of the helots. Pausanias took refuge in one of the temples, was locked up there and starved to death.

After the conquest of Sestos and Byzantium and their accession to the maritime alliance, Cimon undertook the conquest of the Thracian cities, which were in Persian hands. He began with Eion, which occupied an important position at the mouth of the river Strymon. Having defeated the army of the city, he surrounded the latter, intending to take it by starvation. But the brave commandant of the city of Bogis, not wanting to give up, burned all the survivors, all the treasures and, finally, himself on a specially prepared fire. The Athenians decided to keep this important point forever and landed 10,000 settlers (Cleruchs) there, who were subsequently killed by the Thracians during a campaign inland.

Following the conquest of Aion, in the autumn of 476 BC. e. other cities on the Thracian coast and the Thracian Chersonese also passed into the hands of Cimon, up to Doriska, which defended as stubbornly as Eion. Then Cimon took the rocky island of Skyros, inhabited by its indigenous inhabitants - the Doloperns, who were engaged in sea robbery. They were sold into slavery, and the island was settled by Athenian colonists.


From Skyros, Kimon took to Athens the remains of the epic hero Theseus, who was credited with uniting the disparate Attic tribes into one state, found there. By this act, he aroused great joy among the Athenians and finally endeared them to him. From the Greek cities of the Thracian coast and the islands of Thasos and Samothrace lying in front of it, as well as from the islands of Skyros, Paparetos, Skiathos and others lying near Cape Sepias, the fourth department of the maritime union was formed - Thracian, stretching from Metona in the Pagasean Gulf to Enos at the mouth Gebra (Maritsa).

Thanks to the creation of the maritime alliance and the strengthening of its power, Aristides and Cimon, as people of action, became the most influential and respected in Athens, while the influence of Themistocles began to decrease.

After the establishment of the maritime alliance, the Lacedaemonians began to strive to form a counterbalance to the rapidly growing power of Athens, for which they made an attempt to extend their influence to northern Greece. They intended to conquer the Aleuad tribe that lived in Larissa in Thessaly, which at one time called on Xerxes to march against the Greeks. In the spring of 476, Sparta sent through the Pagasean Gulf by sea, liberated thanks to the Athenian fleet, its troops to Pagasea under the leadership of King Leotechides. From Pagasea, the troops marched across completely flat terrain as far as Larissa, drove out the tyrant there and could have conquered Thessaly if Leotechida had not been bribed by the aleuades, after which he returned back. He was convicted of bribery, tried, and he managed to avoid execution only thanks to his flight.

The army sailed back to the Peloponnese the following summer. The campaign was unsuccessful, although the Lacedaemonians tried to use it to acquire a leading role in the Delphic amphictonia, which could give them an advantage over central Greece. They almost managed to achieve this by introducing a proposal to exclude the Thessalians, Thebans and other tribes who supported the Persians from Amphictonia, but the far-sighted Themistocles, as the representative of Athens, saw in this proposal harm to his country and tried to ensure that it was not accepted. This, no doubt, further increased Sparta's hatred of Themistocles, and she made every effort to harm him and, unfortunately, found support in Athens in this.


The creation and maintenance of the fleet required a lot of money and entailed a complete change in the forms of government in a democratic direction. The brilliant successes of Themistocles, who had no connections among the aristocracy, and especially the Salamis victory, created for him a lot of enemies and envious people among this aristocracy, who sympathized with Lacedaemon.

With farsightedness, Themistocles had long understood that Sparta was a rival, and that Athens would have to wage a decisive struggle with her for hegemony in Greece. The tribal aristocracy leaned towards Sparta, with its aristocratic form of government, which contributed to the spread of the oligarchy throughout Greece, which clearly fought against democracy. At the head of this party stood the favorite of the crowd - Kimon, the hero of the victorious war with the Persians. As an aristocrat, he sympathized with Sparta and for many years was a welcome guest in this state.

Cimon, frivolous in his youth, contrary to expectations, became an outstanding commander, although he did not have the mind and foresight with which Themistocles conducted the intricate political affairs of the Athenian state. He openly opposed Themistocles and used all his influence to send him into exile. He managed to achieve this in 473 BC. when Themistocles was ostracized and went into exile.


He retired to Argos, which had long been at enmity with Sparta. Having soon acquired universal respect and influence there, he used it against Sparta and for the benefit of his homeland. Under the influence of Themistocles, wars began between Sparta, Argos and Tegea. The Spartans, who had the best military training, won the bloody battles at Tegea (472 BC) and Dipay (471 BC). They used this success to strengthen their position in the Peloponnesian alliance, depriving the allied forces of their independence, subordinating them to their power and putting Spartan commanders at the head of them.

By this time, the condemnation and death of Pausanias, whose correspondence with the Persians became known, belongs. The Spartans took advantage of this as an excuse to harm the hated Themistocles, who remained a dangerous enemy for them even in exile. They sent an embassy to Athens, accusing Themistocles of complicity in the crimes of Pausanias and demanding punishment for his treason.


Cimon's party, which expelled Themistocles, believed this slander, despite the lack of evidence, and, together with the Spartans, sent people to arrest him. Themistocles fled to about. Korkyra, but they did not dare to shelter such a dangerous exile, and he moved to Epirus, to the Molossian king Admet. But even there he was not safe from enemies. Therefore, he went by land to the harbor of Pydna in Macedonia, where he boarded a merchant ship bound for Asia Minor. On the way, the ship was washed up on the island of Naxos, and Themistocles was in danger of falling into the hands of the Athenians, who blockaded this island.

Upon arrival in Asia Minor, he secretly traveled to the Persian capital, where he presented himself to the new Persian king. Artaxerxes, who ascended the throne after the death of Xerxes, generously received Themistocles, despite the fact that he brought his father and the state more harm than anyone else. He even gave him to rule the cities of Magnesia and Mius (both on the Maeander) and Lampsacusa (in the Hellespont). In the first of these cities, Themistocles lived for several years, until 465, enjoying respect and doing charity; tradition says that he committed suicide when Artaxerxes demanded his participation in the war against Greece. If this is a fiction, then it is based on the belief in his sincere and deep patriotism.


Themistocles was gifted with great abilities and had tremendous courage and willpower. Not having a naval education, he understood the true path to the greatness of his state. He managed to convince the people, completely alien to the sea and maritime affairs, that his future lies on the sea and to persuade him to heavy naval service. Realizing that only the fleet could protect Greece from the Persians who threatened her, he passed a law on the fleet, raised funds for its construction, and persuaded the citizens to refuse income from the Lavrion mines for this. Just in time for the appearance of the Persians, the fleet was ready, and Themistocles took command of it.

Just before the outbreak of hostilities, he created an Isthmian alliance. Without this union, Greece would probably perish, despite the fragmentation, short-sightedness and lack of national feeling among individual independent states, the number of which exceeded a hundred. Despite his superiority and understandable self-confidence, Themistocles succumbed to the completely unfounded claims of Sparta to hegemony at sea and allowed the appointment of the completely unsuitable and indecisive Eurybiades as commander of the naval forces. But even being his subordinate, he always knew how to induce him to take correct strategic and tactical actions. In a moment of danger, he showed rare generosity, forgiving and calling his worst enemy Aristides out of exile.


Having no combat experience, Themistocles in 480 BC. e. acted for the first time as a naval commander and showed his brilliant abilities, choosing a very well-placed location of his forces, and won a victory at Salamis by attacking from the flanks, extorting at the very beginning the unwillingness of his subordinates to go into battle. In this respect he was superior to all his contemporaries, despite the fact that he occupied only a secondary place; his foresight and prudence in the choice of harbors, their construction, as well as the layout of the fortifications, which provided Athens and Piraeus from attacks from land, deserves admiration.

He overcame the envious resistance of Sparta, regardless of the fact that he acquired a dangerous enemy in the person of this powerful state. With the same selflessness and love, he took care of the good and greatness of his homeland.

In Themistocles one must see the spiritual father of the maritime union - he created the maritime power of Athens and, standing on the true path, achieved remarkable results. Thanks to his insight, he immediately saw in Sparta the main enemy of his homeland, whose influence had to be fought, gathering all his strength, and managed to do this, in contrast to Cimon and the subsequent leaders of Athens, who violated the unity of the maritime union by oppressing individual members and wasting its power on unnecessary adventures. Themistocles' last political success was to resist Spartan influence in central and northern Greece, achieved by him thanks to his diplomatic dexterity.


Shortly after the exile of Themistocles, Aristides died, and Cimon became the leader in Athens. Soon he undertook a campaign against Caristus, the only city on Euboea that did not belong to the maritime alliance, subjugated it and forced him to join the alliance, and the size of the entry fee was appointed by the Athenians. There is reason to believe that the same was done with the island of Andros.

This reception, contrary to the foundations of the maritime union, became common in Athens, which turned from the first among the members of the Delian-Attic union into the ruler of Attica, and, naturally, among the members of the union, who jealously guarded their independence, discontent arose, which soon turned into hatred. The first manifestation of it was the withdrawal from the union of the island of Naxos, which risked such a step, despite the fact that he was alone; the Athenians blocked and conquered it, having committed the first violence against a member of the union.

In 468, Cimon, with an allied fleet of 200 ships, undertook a campaign against the Persians, since Xerxes, apparently, was preparing an army and fleet in Pamphylia for a new attack on Greece. For this campaign, Cimon ordered the construction of triremes wider than usual and with a solid upper deck so that more hoplites could be taken on board. Apparently, he intended to retreat from the tactics of ramming introduced by Themistocles and return to the boarding battle, which showed his ignorance of maritime affairs.

He began operations in the southwestern corner of Asia Minor at the Tropea threshold of the Carian Chersonese and from there moved along the Carian and Lycian coasts to Phaselis. Coastal Greek cities went over to his side without resistance, the rest of the cities had to be conquered. Phaselis, whose inhabitants stubbornly defended themselves at first, yielded rather soon under the influence of negotiations. All cities were compelled to enter into a maritime union; and from them and from the coastal islands, including Rhodes, a fifth department of the union, Carian, was formed, numbering at least 66 members. Thanks to this, the total amount of contributions reached 500 talents.


At the time of the treaty with Phaselis, the Persian army was camped at the mouth of the Eurymedon River in Pamphylia. The Eurymedon was then navigable for flat-bottomed triremes for 60 stadia (10.7 km) as far as Aspendos. In front of the mouth and at the mouth itself there was a fleet made up of the fleets of states dependent on the Persians, consisting of at least 20 triremes, mostly Phoenician; in addition, another 80 Phoenician triremes were to arrive from Cyprus. Without waiting for their arrival and connection with the fleet, Cimon, immediately after the conclusion of an agreement with Phaselis, unexpectedly attacked the ships that were standing at the mouth of the Eurymedon and destroyed them. Encouraged by this easy success, Cimon landed an army, met with strong resistance, and stormed the Persian camp. After that, he again hastily put the army on ships in order to meet the squadron marching from Cyprus before it knew about the defeat of the Persians at the Eurymedon. He succeeded, and the squadron, which he also unexpectedly attacked east of the Eurymedon, near Side, was captured entirely along with the team.


After this tremendous success, after which there could be no question of a new invasion of the Persians or the appearance of an enemy fleet in Greek waters, the Delian-Attic alliance reached the climax of its development. Its five departments numbered over 200 members, who lived from Lycia to Attica and from Pontus throughout the Archipelago. His direct income was very large; in addition, free trade brought great profits. Athens especially exalted herself, who began to imagine herself not only as the leader of the union, but as its mistress.


Members of the union were burdened by military duties and taxes and were often careless in paying the latter; but this cost them their independence, since the persons at the head of the departments did not have the moderation of the founders of the union and treated the members not as equals, but as subordinates. Contributions began to be collected very strictly, even with the help of violence, and the members of the union, one after another, like Naxos, began to be transferred from the category of allies to subordinates, and the amount of the contribution began to be determined at the discretion of the Athenians. Cimon himself, in such cases, showed some more gentleness, being satisfied with the delivery of ships without teams and a monetary contribution.


Thus the Athenian navy gradually increased and, being constantly in action, became more and more powerful. He no longer had opponents with whom he could not cope; all this increased the confidence of those who directed Athenian politics. Meetings of allies in Delos began to be convened less and less, despite the fact that Athens had an increasing number of votes, and, finally, their convocation ceased.

In 454 BC. e. after the defeat in Egypt, the allied treasury, under the pretext of danger, possible during an attack on Delos by an enemy fleet, was transferred from the Delian temple of Apollo to the temple of Pallas Athena in the Acropolis in Athens and became available to the owners of the union. This was effectively the end of the maritime union; a single state was formed, ruled by the Athenian people, or rather, Athenian politicians.

This coup was facilitated by major changes that took place in Athens. Due to the fact that the former allies gradually abandoned the maintenance of their own fleets, the latter went over to Athens, increasing their fleet. As a result of constant wars, the crews were experienced and always ready for battle, while the allied states no longer received combat experience, and their inhabitants lost the habit of heavy naval service. The state treasury was replenished by contributions. As Themistocles had supposed, Piraeus, thanks to the maritime power of Athens, soon became the trading center of the entire Greek world in the east, and its lively trade gave income to a mass of people, both rich and poor.


Each foreigner (metek) who moved to Athens, after a certain period of time, had to take part in the defense of the country and make an appropriate contribution. Some meteks served as hoplites, others as rowers; in 431 BC e. their number exceeded 10,000. The meteks who had earned the rights received the rights of Athenian citizens.

Great wealth accumulated in the city, and soon there was no trace of the former Greek simplicity. The desire for pleasure, immorality and the desire to live well, without working at all or very little, have become universal. Arrogance, a desire for power and an exaggeratedly high opinion of the power of the state developed excessively, but it was forgotten that the fleet, on which the power, good, and the very existence of the state depended, should be protected and used with great care. Ambition so possessed some that they began to dream of conquering Sicily, southern Italy and Egypt, Carthage and the entire coast of Africa.


All this was fatal for Athens, which needed selfless and disinterested people who had sufficient intelligence and discretion to keep the state and citizens at the height of the situation. It was necessary to take care of maintaining a decisive advantage and hegemony at sea and to interest citizens in this

None of the branches of government requires such skillful, continuous and careful care as the fleet, so that it is at the height of its position and is a reliable weapon.

Both creators of the maritime union, which laid the foundation for the maritime power of Athens, Themistocles and Aristides, died almost at the same time, shortly before the battle of the Eurymedon. By this time, the appearance of a person whose name was respected more than anyone else in the heyday of Athens, but its bearer, along with merits in the field of art, the monuments of which cause the well-deserved surprise of the whole world, brought his homeland more harm than any other citizen. This is Pericles.

He came from a noble family of Alcmeonids and was the son of Xanthippus, a participant in that war that ended with the conquest of Sestos. He was an aristocrat by birth and spirit. Thanks to the wealth of his parents, he received an excellent education. Accustomed from youth to a strict lifestyle, he retained it until adulthood. He was free from the prevailing superstitions, since he was a student of the eminent philosopher Anaxagoras, who later on often gave advice to his student in difficult cases.


Thanks to the extraordinary persuasiveness of his eloquence, with which he was able to charm the people, he achieved a leading position in Athens, and his unlimited ambition made him very unscrupulous in his means. An aristocrat by birth, he from the very beginning became the head of revolutionary democracy, since he understood that the future belongs to the demos, and not to the oligarchy, whose leader, although he achieved respect due to his military successes, but, lacking prudence and foresight, could not count for success in politics.


Pericles avoided speaking in public, trying to use suitable supporters for this occasion, at first most often Ephialtes, an honest Athenian citizen with whom he was on friendly terms. Ephialtes' disinterestedness was exceptional, but he was an extreme democrat; his speeches had a very great influence on the people, which he first used to overthrow Cimon, and then the Areopagus.

After the victory at Eurymedon, Cimon in the summer of 466 BC. e. expelled the last Persians, who were still holding out near the Aegean Sea, from the Thracian Chersonese and from Doris, who resisted long and stubbornly. Having finished with them, he moved to the island of Thasos, which had rebelled against Athens due to a dispute over harbors and profitable mines that lay opposite him on the Thracian coast. Cimon defeated the Thasians at sea and, landing on the island, besieged and blockaded the city, which was still stubbornly resisting. The Thasians began to ask the Spartans to attack Attica, to which they agreed, but they were prevented by an earthquake that destroyed Sparta, and an uprising of the helots (the Messenians, after whom the war was named the third Messenian), prepared at one time by Pausanias. The rebels were at first successful, but then they were forced to retreat to the Itoma mountain fortress, at an altitude of 800 m, where they had to hold out for several years before, since the Spartans, who did not know how to conduct a siege, could not capture them.


In 463 BC. e., after a two-year blockade, Cimon took Thasos. The vanquished were forced to hand over their ships, destroy the fortifications, give up possessions on the Thracian coast, and pay military expenses.

On his return to Athens, Kimon, the head of the oligarchic party, was accused by Ephialtes and Pericles of bribery by the Macedonian king Alexander, whom he was able to deal with, having a strong Athenian army at his disposal. Although Kimon managed to justify himself, he almost lost the former respect of the people and popularity.

The Lacedaemonians, unable to capture Itoma, turned for help not only to the Peloponnesian states, but also to their hated rival, Attica. Cimon, a clear supporter of Sparta, despite the reluctance of supporters of democracy, decided to help the Spartans, which proves his lack of political tact and intelligence; he managed to achieve this, probably not without the insidious support of his personal enemies, and in 462 BC. e. he himself was sent to Itoma at the head of 4,000 hoplites.



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