newsmediaarchives: News update RSS 15/07/2022 2

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The Carthaginian fleet went to Lilybeum in the spring. The Carthaginians were already aware of the preparations of the Romans; their fleet consisted of 350 ships with a crew of 150,000 (the latter figure must be considered an exaggeration, since they had no army on their ships, and with a usual crew of 375 people, it turns out only 131,000). They learned of the departure of the Roman fleet, went to meet him and met him at Eknomos. With the exception of the Battle of Salamis, this time the largest fighting force that ever participated in a naval battle was assembled, namely: 680 ships and 290,000 people (or, according to other sources, 650 ships and 270,000 people).

The Romans divided their fleet into four squadrons according to the number of legions, and the fourth squadron was stronger than the first three and consisted of 90 ships, while the rest had 80 each; Consuls commanded the first and second squadrons. When building a battle order, the consuls set out to, firstly, prevent the Carthaginians from taking advantage of their advantages in speed and in the ability to maneuver; secondly, to cover the transport fleet.

To entrust the navy with the task of covering the transport fleet on a campaign across the sea to an enemy country before the dominance of the sea is fully secured should, in principle, be considered erroneous, since naval combat consists in movement and in the offensive, and therefore the commander of the fleet should be able to freely command the movements of all its vessels. Meanwhile, the need to guard the transport fleet interferes with this, and thus a contradiction is created between the offensive and the need to maintain, at least in part, a defensive course of action.

The consuls tried to reconcile these two requirements, for which they had to give up fast movements and ramming, which in those days, in fact, was an energetic attack; they chose the formation which afforded them the greatest offensive force in advancing, and at the same time afforded the best defense against a ram attack. They built their squadrons in a wedge, inside which the transport fleet was placed; the rearguard was located behind, which created, contrary to the practice of the time, a deep formation.

The Carthaginians acted deftly and, in essence, correctly, but they made the mistake that in no place did they secure such a preponderance of forces for themselves that would incline victory to their side before help arrived in time for the Romans; and most importantly - for four years they have not found any way to fend off the action of the "ravens". Under such circumstances, the art of single ship-to-ship combat acquired decisive importance, and in this respect the Romans, thanks to the number and skill of their legionnaires, were significantly superior to the Carthaginians.

After a long battle, the Carthaginian center took to flight, and thus freed the first and second Roman squadrons, of which the latter suffered very little. The consul Lucius, a thorough man, who commanded it, was busy collecting the numerous prizes captured by Regulus, while the latter, seeing that the second squadron and transport fleet were in great danger in the bay near Eknomos, immediately turned around to go and help and attacked with the rear of the attacking Carthaginian ships, which at the beginning of the battle were part of the right flank. Hanno, who commanded this squadron, noticed the danger in time and fled to the open sea, where he escaped with almost all of his ships. The left flank of the Carthaginians, who fought with the third Roman squadron, acted differently: the commander of this flank, to which the protrusion of the coast probably blocked the field of view, carried away by the battle, did not notice that Regulus, and then another consul, were approaching him from the rear, and lost the ensuing attack by at least 50 ships that outnumbered him by three times. Only a few ships managed to leave the ring around them and run at full speed along the coast.

The victory had already been won by the Romans earlier, but they got a major material success in this very place; they lost 24 ships, all of which sank, and none went to the enemy; human losses amounted to about 10,000 people. The Carthaginians lost about 100 ships (64 were captured with their crew, more than 30 were sunk) and up to 40,000 people.

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One of the conditions for concluding the contract, the Russian side called the refusal of Naftogaz from judicial claims and fines imposed by international arbitration.

Moscow has long challenged the decision of the Stockholm Arbitration Court. According to him, Gazprom is obliged to pay Naftogaz $ 2.56 billion.

Disputes between the companies arose due to the allegedly under-delivered volumes of gas by the Russian corporation under a transit agreement. The Ukrainian authorities tried to arrest Gazprom’s assets in court in Switzerland, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and the UK. However, so far these attempts have failed.

At the same time, in early November, Yuri Vitrenko said that he sent a new lawsuit against Gazprom for $ 12 billion to the Stockholm arbitration. He explained that the application was submitted in response to Gazprom’s desire to appeal the decision of the Stockholm arbitration on a transit contract between the companies.

An annual contract will remove the risk that Gazprom will not be able to pump the amount of fuel declared in the contract to Europe in winter,

says senior analyst at BCS Premier Sergey Suverov. But a rather acute question will arise - at what price will supplies be made.

On July 1, 2015, Ukraine refused to purchase gas from Russia, since it was not satisfied with the price of $ 247 per thousand cubic meters.

At the same time, Kiev began to increase reverse supplies from EU countries back in 2014. Ukraine purchases reverse gas from Slovakia, Poland and Hungary, explaining that its price is lower than the price of fuel offered by Russia.

Gazprom explained that this is the same Russian gas, just purchased from European traders.

In June 2019, at the St. Petersburg Economic Forum, Gazprom head Alexei Miller said that the company is ready to sell gas to Ukraine at a price 20% lower than the one at which Kiev purchases gas from Europe by reverse.

Recently, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia is ready to provide Ukraine with a discount on gas up to 25% subject to direct fuel supplies.

But in numbers, no one names the possible cost of gas for Kiev.

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Despite the predictions, the Bashkirs did not resent. Calm reigned around our fortress. But the world was interrupted by indefatigable internecine strife.
I already said that I was engaged in literature. My experiments, for that time, were pretty good, and Alexander Petrovich Sumarokov, several years after, praised them very much. Once I managed to write a song that I was pleased with. It is known that writers sometimes, in the guise of demanding advice, seek a supportive listener. So, after rewriting my song, I carried it to Shvabrin, who alone in the fortress could appreciate the works of the poet. After a short introduction, I took out my notebook from my pocket and read the following verses to him:
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“How do you find this?” I asked Shvabrina, expecting praise as a tribute to me, without fail. But, much to my chagrin, Shvabrin, usually condescending, resolutely announced that my song was not good.
- Why is that? I asked him, hiding my chagrin.
“Because,” he answered, “such verses are worthy of my teacher, Vasily Kirilych Tredyakovsky, and remind me very much of his love couplets.
Then he took a notebook from me and began mercilessly to analyze every verse and every word, mocking me in the most strident manner. I could not bear it, I pulled out my notebook from his hands and said that I would not show him my writings from the very beginning. Shvabrin laughed at this threat too. “We'll see,” he said, “will you keep your word: the poets need a listener, like Ivan Kuzmich’s decanter of vodka before dinner. And who is this Masha, before whom you express yourself in gentle passion and in love affliction? Isn't Mary Mary Ivanovna? ”
“None of your business,” I answered frowning, “whoever this Masha is.” I do not demand either your opinion or your guesses.
- Wow! Proud poet and humble lover! - continued Shvabrin, hour after hour more annoying me, - but listen to friendly advice: if you want to be in time, I advise you to act not in songs.
“What does that mean, sir?” Please explain yourself.
- With pleasure. This means that if you want Masha Mironova to go to you at dusk, then instead of tender rhymes, give her a pair of earrings.
My blood boiled.
“Why do you have such an opinion about her?” I asked, holding back my indignation with difficulty.
“And so,” he answered with a hellish grin, “because I know from experience her disposition and custom.”
“You're lying, you bastard!” I cried out in a fury, “you lie in the most shameless way.”
Mop changed in face.
“This will not work for you,” he said, squeezing my hand. “You will give me satisfaction.”
- Please; when you want to! I answered, delighted. At that moment I was ready to tear him to pieces.
I immediately went to Ivan Ignatych and found him with a needle in my hands: on the instructions of the commandant, he strung mushrooms for drying for the winter. “Ah, Petr Andreich! - he said, seeing me, - welcome! How did God bring you? in which case, I dare to ask? ”I told him in short words that I had a falling out with Alexei Ivanovich, and I ask him, Ivan Ignatich, to be my second. Ivan Ignatich listened to me with attention, staring at me with his only eye. “You deign to speak,” he told me, “what do you want to stab Alexei Ivanovich and want me to be a witness?” Is not it? I dare to ask. "
- Exactly.
- Have mercy, Pyotr Andreich! What are you up to! Have you and Alexei Ivanovich gone over? Great trouble! Hard words break no bones. He scolded you, and you scold him; he’s snouting you, but you’re in his ear, in another, in the third, and disperse; and we will reconcile you. And then: is it a good thing to stab your neighbor, I dare to ask? And you would have stabbed him with good: God bless him, with Alexei Ivanovich; I myself am not a hunter. Well, what if he drills you? What will it look like? Who will be fools, I dare to ask?
The reasoning of the prudent lieutenant did not shake me. I stayed with my intention. “As you wish,” said Ivan Ignatich, “do as you please.” Why do I need to be a witness here? Why on earth? People are fighting, what kind of non-visualism, I dare to ask? Thank God, I went under the Swede and under the Turk: I've seen enough of everything. ”
I somehow began to explain to him the position of a second, but Ivan Ignatich could not understand me in any way. “Your will,” he said. “If I really need to intervene in this matter, is it really to go to Ivan Kuzmich and to convey to him on duty that an evil deed is intended in fortification, contrary to official interest: will it not be pleasing to Mr. Commandant to take appropriate measures ...”
I got scared and began to ask Ivan Ignatich not to tell the commandant anything; persuaded him by force; he gave me his word, and I decided to step back from him.
I spent the evening, as usual, with the commandant. I tried to seem cheerful and indifferent, so as not to raise any suspicion and avoid boring questions; but, I confess, I did not have that composure, which almost always was praised by those who were in my position. That evening I was disposed to tenderness and tenderness. I liked Marya Ivanovna more than usual. The thought that maybe I was seeing her for the last time gave her something touching in my eyes. Shvabrin appeared immediately. I took him aside and notified him of my conversation with Ivan Ignatych. “Why do we need seconds,” he told me dryly, “we can do without them.” We agreed to fight for the ricks that were near the fortress, and appear there the next day at seven in the morning. We were apparently talking in such a friendly manner that Ivan Ignatych blabbed with joy.
“It would be so long ago,” he told me with a pleased look, “a bad world is better than a good quarrel, but it’s also dishonest, so healthy.”
- What, what, Ivan Ignatich? Said the commandant, who was reading cards at the corner, “I did not listen.”
Ivan Ignatich, having noticed signs of displeasure in me and recalling his promise, was embarrassed and did not know what to answer.
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The mess came out. Pyotr Andreich was and was angry; but then he judged that everyone was free to sing what anyone wanted. And so it ended.
Shvabrin’s shamelessness almost infuriated me; but no one, except me, understood his gross blunts; at least no one paid attention to them. From the songs, the conversation turned to the poets, and the commandant noticed that they were all dissolute and bitter drunkards, and friendlyly advised me to leave the poem, as it was a nasty service and did not lead to anything good.
The presence of Schwabrin was unbearable to me. I soon said goodbye to the commandant and his family; having come home, examined his sword, tried its end and went to bed, ordering Savelych to wake me at the seventh hour.
The next day at the appointed time, I was already behind the ricks, waiting for my opponent. Soon he appeared. “They can catch us,” he told me, “we must hurry.” We took off our uniforms, remained in camisoles alone and drew our swords. At that moment, Ivan Ignatich and five people with disabilities appeared suddenly from behind the stack. He demanded us to the commandant. We obeyed in vexation; the soldiers surrounded us, and we went to the fortress after Ivan Ignatich, who led us in triumph, striding with surprising importance.
We entered the curfew. Ivan Ignatich opened the door, proclaiming solemnly: “brought!” Vasilisa Egorovna met us. “Ah, my priests !. What does it look like? as? what? in our fortress start a suicide! Ivan Kuzmich, now they are under arrest! Petr Andreich! Alexey Ivanovich! serve your swords here, serve, serve. Broadsword, take these swords to the closet. Petr Andreich! I did not expect this from you. How are you not ashamed? Good Alexei Ivanovich: he is for murder and was discharged from the guard, he does not believe in the Lord of God; What are you? Are you getting in there? ”
Ivan Kuzmich completely agreed with his wife and sentenced: “But hear, Vasilisa Egorovna is telling the truth. Fights are formally prohibited in the military article. ” Meanwhile, Broadsword took our swords from us and carried them into the closet. I could not help laughing. Schwabrin retained his importance. “With all due respect to you,” he told her in cold blood, “I cannot help but notice that you needlessly worry, exposing us to your trial.” Leave it to Ivan Kuzmich: this is his business. ” “Ah! my father! - objected the commandant, - aren't husband and wife one spirit and one flesh? Ivan Kuzmich! What are you yawning? Now plant them in different angles on bread and water, so that their nonsense will pass; may Father Gerasim impose an epithet on them so that they pray with God forgiveness and repent before people. ”
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Ivan Kuzmich did not know what to decide. Marya Ivanovna was extremely pale. Little by little the storm abated; the commandant calmed down and made us kiss each other. The broadsword brought us our swords. We left the commandant apparently reconciled. Ivan Ignatich accompanied us. “Shame on you,” I told him angrily, “to inform the commandant after they gave me the word not to do this?” ““ How holy, I didn’t say that to Ivan Kuzmich, ”he answered,“ Vasilisa Egorovna pulled out everything from me. She ordered everything without the knowledge of the commandant. However, thank God that it all ended so. ” With this word he turned home, and Shvabrin and I were left alone. “Our business cannot end with this,” I told him. “Of course,” answered Schwabrin, “you will answer me with your blood for your insolence; but they will probably begin to look after us. A few days we will have to pretend. Goodbye! ”And we parted as if nothing had happened.
Returning to the commandant, I, as usual, sat down with Marya Ivanovna. Ivan Kuzmich was not at home; Vasilisa Egorovna was busy with the household. We spoke in an undertone. Marya Ivanovna tenderly reprimanded me for the anxiety caused by all my quarrel with Shvabrin. “I froze,” she said, “when they told us that you intend to fight on swords. How strange men are! For one word that they would have forgotten about in a week, they are ready to cut themselves and sacrifice not only life, but also the conscience and well-being of those who ... But I am sure that you are not the originator of the quarrel. True, Alexey Ivanitch is to blame. ”
“Why do you think so, Marya Ivanovna?”
“Yes ... he’s such a mocker!” I do not like Alexey Ivanovich. He is very disgusting to me; but it’s strange: for no reason I didn’t want him to dislike me either. It would bother me with fear.

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What do you think, Marya Ivanovna? Do you like him or not?
Mary Ivanovna hinted and blushed.
“I think,” she said, “I think I like it.”
“Why do you think so?”
- Because he married for me.
- Matchmaking! He wooed for you? When then?
- In the past year. About two months before your arrival.
“And you did not go?”
- As you please see. Aleksey Ivanovich, of course, is a smart person, and of good family name, and has a fortune; but I’ll think that it will be necessary under the crown to kiss him with everyone ... For nothing! for no well-being!
The words of Marya Ivanovna opened my eyes and explained a lot to me. I understood the stubborn slander with which Schwabrin pursued her. He probably noticed our mutual inclination and tried to distract us from each other. The words that gave rise to our quarrel seemed even more vile when, instead of rude and obscene ridicule, I saw in them deliberate slander. The desire to punish the impudent pagan made me even stronger, and I eagerly began to expect an opportunity.
I did not wait long. The next day, when I sat at the elegy and nibbled my pen in anticipation of a rhyme, Shvabrin knocked under my window. I left the pen, took the sword and went out to it. “Why put off? - Shvabrin told me, - they don’t look after us. Let's go down to the river. Nobody will disturb us there. ” We set off in silence. Having descended a steep path, we stopped at the river itself and drew our swords. Schwabrin was more skilled than me, but I was stronger and bolder, and monsieur Beaupre, who was once a soldier, gave me several lessons in fencing, which I took advantage of. Shvabrin did not expect to find such a dangerous opponent in me. For a long time we could not do each other any harm; finally, realizing that Schwabrin was weakening, I began to step on it with liveliness and drove him almost into the river. Suddenly I heard my name spoken aloud. I looked around and saw Savelich running down to me on a mountain path ... At that very time, I was stabbed deeply in the chest below my right shoulder; I fell and lost my senses.
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When I woke up, I could not come to my senses for some time and did not understand what had happened to me. I lay on the bed, in an unfamiliar room, and felt a great weakness. Savelich stood in front of me with a candle in his hands. Someone carefully developed the bandages with which my chest and shoulder were pulled together. Little by little my thoughts cleared up. I remembered my fight and realized that I was wounded. At that moment the door hid. "What? what is it? ”the whispered voice from which I trembled. “Everything is in one position,” Savelich answered with a sigh, “everything has been without memory for the fifth day now.” I wanted to turn around, but could not. "Where I am? who is here? ”I said with effort. Marya Ivanovna came up to my bed and leaned toward me. "What? how are you feeling? ”she said. “Thank God," I answered in a weak voice. “Is that you, Marya Ivanovna?” tell me ... ”I was not able to continue and was silent. Savelich gasped. Joy appeared on his face. “I recollected myself! come to my senses! He repeated. - Glory to you, master! Well, father Pyotr Andreich! you scared me! is it easy? fifth day! .. ”Marya Ivanovna interrupted his speech. “Don't talk to him much, Savelich,” she said. “He is still weak.” She went out and quietly closed the door. My thoughts were worried. So, I was in the commandant’s house, Marya Ivanovna came to me. I wanted to raise some questions for Savelich, but the old man shook his head and covered his ears. I closed my eyes in frustration and soon forgot to sleep.
When I woke up, I called Savelich and instead of him I saw Mary Ivanovna in front of me; her angelic voice greeted me. I can not express the sweet feeling that has possessed me at this moment. I grabbed her hand and clung to her, pouring tears of emotion. Masha didn’t tear her off ... and suddenly her lips touched my cheek, and I felt their hot and fresh kiss. Fire ran through me. “Dear, kind Marya Ivanovna,” I told her, “be my wife, agree to my happiness.” She recovered herself. “For God's sake, calm down,” she said, taking her hand from me. “You are still in danger: the wound may open.” Take care of yourself, even for me. ” With this word she left, leaving me in a rapture of delight. Happiness resurrected me. She will be mine! she loves Me! This thought filled my whole existence.

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From then on, I felt better hour by hour. I was treated by a regimental barber, for there was no other doctor in the fortress, and, thank God, he was not clever. Youth and nature accelerated my recovery. The whole commandant's family looked after me. Marya Ivanovna did not leave me. Of course, at the first opportunity, I took up the interrupted explanation, and Marya Ivanovna listened to me more patiently. She confessed to me a cordial inclination without any pretense and said that her parents, of course, would be happy for her happiness. “But think carefully,” she added, “will there be any obstacles on the part of your family?”
I thought about it. I didn’t doubt Matushkina’s tenderness, but, knowing my father’s temper and way of thinking, I felt that my love would not touch him too much and that he would look at her like a whim of a young man. I sincerely admitted that Marya Ivanovna and decided, however, to write to the priest as eloquently as possible, asking for parental blessings. I showed the letter to Maria Ivanovna, who found him so convincing and touching that I did not doubt his success and indulged in the feelings of her tender heart with all the gullibility of youth and love.
I reconciled with Shvabrin in the first days of my recovery. Ivan Kuzmich, reprimanding me for the fight, said to me: “Oh, Pyotr Andreich! I should have put you under arrest, but you're already punished. And Aleksey Ivanovich still sits in my bakery under guard, and his sword is locked by Vasilisa Egorovna. Let him think for himself and repent. ” I was too happy to have a feeling of hostility in my heart. I began to ask for Shvabrin, and the good commandant, with the consent of his wife, decided to release him. Schwabrin came to me; he expressed deep regret about what happened between us; admitted that he was guilty around, and asked me to forget about the past. Being not vindictive by nature, I sincerely forgave him both our quarrel and the wound that I received from him. In slander, I saw the chagrin of insulted pride and rejected love, and generously excused my unfortunate rival.
Soon I recovered and could move to my apartment. I eagerly awaited an answer to the sent letter, not daring to hope and trying to drown out sad forebodings. With Vasilisa Egorovna and with her husband I have not yet explained; but my proposal was not to surprise them. Neither I nor Marya Ivanovna tried to hide their feelings from them, and we were already sure in advance of their agreement.
Finally, one morning Savelich came to me, holding a letter in his hands. I grabbed him with awe. The address was written with the hand of a priest. This prepared me for something important, because usually my mother wrote letters to me, and at the end he attributed several lines. For a long time I did not print the package and reread the solemn inscription: “To my son Pyotr Andreevich Grinev, in Orenb
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With newly arrived reinforcements and with the former garrison, only 20,000 people, the commandant of the fortress Hamilcar made a sortie the next morning to destroy the siege; however, the Romans expected this and repelled the Carthaginians, albeit with heavy losses. Hannibal, having unloaded all the supplies delivered, one of the following nights took advantage of the coastal breeze and left the harbor; he again passed without a fight through the blocking fleet and headed for Drepanum (Trapani), which was only 14 nautical miles away from there.

The Carthaginians again for a long time did not receive any news from Lilybeum, in which they were very interested; then another Hannibal, who bore the nickname of Rhodes, a man of noble birth, and, moreover, an experienced and skillful sailor, proposed alone, on his own ship, to break through the blockade and bring news from Lilybeum. No one wanted to believe him, but he hoped for his ship, which, apparently, was distinguished by its special speed and had a good team; at the same time, he relied on his excellent knowledge of the area, and in the winding and difficult passage of the harbor of Lilybeum, he had his own signs on the shore and, in addition, a note in which he indicated the course to be followed. He also first went to one of the Egat Islands, Eguzu (Favignano), located 9 nautical miles from Lilybeum, and then took advantage of the favorable sea breeze and alone, quite safely, passed the struck blockading fleet during the day.

The consul in command of this fleet was beside himself with the audacity of breaking through the blockade and, in order to prevent him from slipping away on his way back, he put ten of his fastest ships at the entrance to the harbor for the night; these ships approached the harbor as close as the depth of the water allowed, and, holding on to the oars on both sides of the entrance, began to wait for Hannibal to leave. The consul himself stood nearby to watch. However, this did not in the least frighten Hannibal; he did not even consider it necessary to wait for the onset of darkness, but set off on his journey in front of everyone; thanks to a significant superiority in speed and excellent knowledge of the terrain, this time he managed to quite safely slip past the guard squadron: compared to the speed of his progress, the Roman ships seemed to stand still. Having passed the enemy and sailed some distance, Hannibal had the audacity to stop, raised the oars and began to mock the Romans; then he went to sea, and not a single Roman ship set off in pursuit of him. He repeated these flights several more times, after which others followed his example, which brought great relief to the besieged in Lilybeum, who no longer felt completely cut off from their homeland.

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The Carthaginians, on the contrary, had a free sea behind them, could move freely and, as needed, could concentrate their forces; they could enter the gaps between enemy ships and attack one ship with two or three ships simultaneously from different sides. Thus, they had the opportunity to use their mobility; in addition, at the head of them, in the person of Adherbal, was a skillful admiral who knew how to inspire them. As a result, the battle soon took a turn unfavorable for the Romans: several ships that moved forward to attack were sunk, others ran aground or stumbled upon rocky islets; the right flank suffered the most, against which the Carthaginians threw their main forces.

Consul Claudius, seeing that the battle was lost, rushed to flee on his ship (he was on the left flank) along the coast to Lilybeum; about 30 ships managed to escape with him, all the rest were destroyed or captured - only 93 ships and 40,000 crew members, and according to other sources, even 137 ships, the crew of which was supposed to reach 50,000 people. This was the only naval victory of the Carthaginians in this long and predominantly naval war, lasting 24 years; but on the other hand, this victory was also the most decisive, since the Carthaginians themselves did not lose more than three-quarters of their ships in a single battle.

The conclusions that can be drawn from this battle are obvious:

1) it was wrong to go into battle with most of the recruits in the crews;

2) it was also wrong to assume that ships with such crews would be able to accurately calculate their movement at night in order to attack at dawn; with people who had recently entered the service, it was necessary to be careful in calculations;

3) it was a mistake to line up for such an attack a large fleet in a wake column, which was bound to be upset at night; the head part had to start the attack alone, and it could easily be defeated before the rear guard arrived in time.

The Carthaginians, with their usual criminal carelessness, did not think at all about what was happening with the enemy; they even withdrew the squadron that usually stood at Drepanum, in which at that moment there was no urgent need, and therefore, when Catulus approached Drepanum, he did not find any enemy there and could immediately blockade both this harbor and Lilybeum; at the same time, the supply of supplies to Hamilcar, who was in Eryx, was also cut off. Catulus immediately ordered to build fortifications around Drepanum, which at the same time protected him from Eryx, and began the siege of the city. At the same time, he tirelessly exercised his fleet, which soon improved greatly and, in anticipation of the attack of the Carthaginians, attended to the organization of intelligence.

The Carthaginians were all the more amazed at the news of the appearance of a new Roman fleet, because they considered themselves completely safe; they hastily gathered all the ships they could to provide supplies for Hamilcar, Drepanum, and Lilybeum, who very soon began to feel short of everything. By the beginning of 241, they had collected about 250 ships, of which, however, some were merchant ships; but there were not enough officers, soldiers and slaves to work on the oars, since no one had taken care of anything in advance. Meanwhile, the imminent danger threatened - there was nothing left but to put completely untrained people on the ships. Then all the ships, including the military, were loaded, as much as possible, with all sorts of supplies. With this fleet, which could rather be called an armed convoy, at the beginning of March 241, Hanno set out to sea from Carthage, who was entrusted with command of it.

Similar cases have been repeated in our day: the transport fleet went out into the sea, on which dominance was not won, and moved directly on the enemy without reconnaissance, without any cunning and trick - just straight ahead. This happened during the Japanese-Chinese, and the Spanish-American, and the Russian-Japanese war. The Japanese transport fleets with troops made their campaigns much earlier than the Japanese defeated and blocked the Chinese fleet. The Americans also sent an army to S. Iago, not providing themselves enough from a possible attack by the Spanish fleet. As for Rozhdestvensky's campaign, then, of course, Rozhdestvensky's fleet cannot be called a transport fleet. In the literature, however, the failure of Rozhdestvensky was often associated with his concern for transports (the base with him).

The poor management of the fleet deserves special attention. At first glance, it is obvious that the commander of the fleet, who took his place with his ship at the very end of the marching wake column, whose head was supposed to start the attack, made a gross mistake. He lost the opportunity to follow the general course of affairs, could not give any order in unforeseen cases, his flagship was no longer leading the entire fleet, but, on the contrary, he himself had to follow the movements of the other ships; in a word, he completely lost control of the fleet. In this case, the commander of the vanguard was apparently ordered to bring the head of the column into the harbor of Drepanum and attack the Carthaginian ships, which were supposed to be taken by surprise and without a crew. Due to a significant delay, the Carthaginian fleet managed to leave the harbor even before the head of the attacking column entered it; thus, the object of the attack was no longer in the intended place, but the one in command of the head of the column did not have the quick wit or determination, or, perhaps, both together, to make the appropriate changes himself, that is, to begin to pursue the departing enemy; he continued mechanically to carry out the order originally received, despite the fact that the order no longer corresponded to the state of affairs; he had no opportunity to receive new instructions, since the commander of the fleet was far behind; indeed, he never received these instructions in a timely manner. Hence the confusion in the narrow passage to the harbor, accidents and confusion on the right flank.

The loss of this battle was to be attributed mainly to the poor leadership of the fleet, which was expressed, first of all, in the fact that the commander of the fleet took a completely inappropriate place for him, and then in the absence of a proper agreement between him and the commander of the forward part of the squadron. The question of the place that is most suitable for the admiral is extremely important, and we will return, perhaps to it later, but here we will confine ourselves to a general remark: the most suitable place for the admiral is the one from which he can best and most likely direct the actions of the fleet .

The successes of the Carthaginians at sea were not limited to the victory at Drepanum; after this victory, Adgerbal sent one of the squadron commanders, Kartolon, with 100 ships to Lilybeum to destroy the remnants of the blockade fleet. In order to accomplish this task properly, and not as Claudius did, Cartholon approached Lilybaeum at dawn, captured several Roman ships, set others (probably aground) on fire, and thus opened the besieged city to the sea; thereupon, hearing of the approach of a new Roman fleet, he departed, following along the south coast.

While Claudius had gone to Lilybaeum, the second consul of 249, Lucius Junius, with a large transport fleet to supply supplies to the army besieging that city, arrived under heavy cover at Messana; here other ships joined him, so that the entire fleet consisted of 120 warships and almost 800 transport ships. From Messana they went to Syracuse, where they had to take more supplies of grain. In view of the haste of the matter, quaestors were sent forward to Lilybeum with half the transport fleet and a squadron of penthers. Kartolon ambushed them and overtook them not far from Enomos, but the quaestors were already warned by reconnaissance ships sent ahead, and, considering themselves too weak to accept the battle, managed to take refuge in the bay of a small town friendly to the Romans - Fintias. They immediately got the throwing machines available in the city, installed them on the rocky ledges that surrounded the bay, and thus arranged a coastal battery to protect the fleet.

Kartolon attacked this battery, but met with serious resistance, and convinced of the strength of the defensive works, he contented himself with capturing several ships, and then anchored for observation, not far east of the city. He organized observation of everything that was happening with the help of reconnaissance ships, from which he soon learned of the approach from Cape Pachinus of Consul Junius with the second half of the fleet. In order not to be forced to fight at once with both parts of the fleet, which together outnumbered him (120 ships against 100), he immediately weighed anchor and went to meet Junius, who knew nothing about the position of the quaestors at Fintias. He met him at Kamarin and, since Junius also did not want to fight, forced him to anchor at the rocky shore. The Romans always avoided the open sea, the Carthaginians, as sailors, on the contrary, strove for it. To attack the Romans at this place, Cartholon found it inconvenient and anchored in the middle between both Roman fleets, so that he could observe them and receive information from his reconnaissance ships about both. Meanwhile, there were signs of bad weather approaching, and the wind blew from the southwest. Experienced in maritime affairs, the Carthaginians remained in place until the danger threatened, and then promptly weighed anchor and went to the open sea; using a favorable wind, they rounded Cape Pachinus and stood in safety on the eastern coast. Both Roman fleets, unprotected from the storm, were washed ashore and perished; not a single ship escaped, moreover, more than 900 ships sank, on which there were probably up to 60,000 crew members.

Hanno was well aware of his weakness and therefore proposed first to go to Drepanum, unload supplies from warships there, take on board Hamilcar, whom the Romans were very afraid of, with his brave and skillful soldiers, and then attack the besieged fleet at Lilybeum. Previously, he went to Giera (Maritima) to wait for a favorable wind.

However, Hanno was mistaken in his opinion about Catulus. The latter learned in time about Hanno's performance and gathered his entire fleet off the island of Egusa, placing the best soldiers on it. While the Carthaginians appeared, a fresh western breeze blew favorable to them, which caused such a violent excitement that Catulus had doubts about the possibility of fighting under such conditions; however, based on the information received about the poor condition of the enemy fleet, he still decided to fight; moreover, having gone to sea, he was convinced that, thanks to enhanced exercises, the commanders of the ships could perfectly hold them in their hands and act in battle. He lined up the fleet between Egusa (Favignano) and Forbantia (Branzo) and moved towards the Carthaginians approaching under sail with a fresh breeze, blocking their path.

Chance favored Hanno this time, and gave him yet another chance of success; he was able to:

a) to take advantage of the fresh breeze and break through the Roman fleet, moving with difficulty on oars on a turbulent sea, as did Hannibal, who broke through the fleet blockading Lilybeum with a favorable wind;

b) send forward your transport ships, and yourself slowly follow them in combat readiness and prevent the Romans from pursuing them;

c) finally, try to get around the Roman system in an arc and, taking advantage of the sailing, try to get away from the enemy.

Adherbal would probably have chosen one of these solutions, but Gannon did not have his talent. He knew that his ships were far inferior in combat capability to the Roman ones, he barely managed to line up his fleet in order before he approached the Romans, nevertheless he ordered to remove the sails and with his inexperienced rowers - slaves and soldiers, took the fight at the oars.

There could be no doubt about the outcome of the battle; the matter was decided at the first collision; as a result, 50 Carthaginian ships were sunk, 70 were captured along with their crews; the remaining 130 were saved due to the fact that just before the collision they set sail and went aside; as the wind blew to the north, they headed back to Giera.

Catulus renewed the blockade of Lilybeum and Drepanum. There was no longer any hope for help, and the garrisons of both cities, as well as the army of Hamilcar, had to surrender from hunger. Then the Carthaginians gave Hamilcar unlimited powers to negotiate a peace, which was soon concluded between two skillful and noble leaders - Hamilcar and Catulus. However, in Rome, peace conditions were given an even more severe character. Carthage committed to:

1) clear Sicily and not wage war with Hieron;

2) to cede Corsica, Sardinia, Malta and all other islands located between Sicily and Africa;

3) to pay within ten years 3200 talents of indemnity.

Thus ended, with the victory of the ground forces over the sea, the 24-year war, as it was in the Peloponnesian War. Carthage in 264 also dominated the western part of the Mediterranean Sea, as Athens in 431 over its eastern part; he maintained a numerous military fleet, which had no equal, possessed many colonies, which he ruled autocratically and severely, monopolized in his hands all maritime trade, which brought him undoubted wealth; the sea served him as a defense, as Athens was protected by their impregnable walls, and he could only be defeated by the sea. The similarity of both wars, which continued with varying success for almost the same period of time, lies in the fact that both wars ended in a decisive defeat of the power that dominated the sea, moreover, this defeat was achieved quite easily in a battle that was not of particular tactical interest.

To decide whether the defeat of a maritime power in the struggle against a land power is inevitable, it is necessary to consider in more detail the conditions in which both sides found themselves, as well as the actions of both sides in strategic and tactical respects.

The Romans were a tightly knit, stern, brave and warlike people, steadily pursuing a policy of conquest; in continuous wars that lasted for centuries, they conquered all of Italy, defeated Pyrrhus, moreover, they did not have to resort to far-sighted strategic plans; hostile armies simply marched on each other and then fought; the whole question was one of tactics, and in this respect the Romans acquired a great deal of experience, which, however, concerned exclusively land tactics. With the sea, as a theater of war, they were hardly familiar and did not feel attracted to it.

In view of this, having managed, through the carelessness of the Carthaginians, to cross over to Sicily, they tried to achieve decisive results by war on land, and only after they failed to achieve this for four years, they decided to start a naval war and immediately, with amazing energy, led this decision is to be implemented.

Rightly estimating the one point in which they were superior to their opponent, they devised and energetically set in motion a method in which this superiority could be put to the best use; this gave them a brilliant victory in the first battle; but instead of, as was their custom, immediately after this victory, stepping directly on the throat of the enemy, they used the method common in naval warfare, and wanted to force the enemy to surrender by attacking his remote possessions.

This strategy did not give a positive result for another four years, and only then did they decide to deliver a direct blow to the enemy with all their forces, despite the fact that for this it was necessary, not owning the sea, to put the army on ships and transport it to enemy territory, which itself was in itself an unacceptable risk; they succeeded in all this so much that certain success was already visible ahead, when suddenly, for completely inexplicable reasons and without apparent reason, they withdrew back most of their army and fleet, after which the rest of the first was destroyed by the enemy.

Instead of correcting the mistake and doubling their efforts to achieve victory, they, having won a new major victory near the enemy's shores, left their last stronghold on these shores, which could serve as a convenient place for the landing of the army. Having then suffered heavy losses not from the enemy, but from their own unfamiliarity with naval affairs and from the stubbornness of their leaders, they finally abandoned the naval war and limited themselves to the land war in Sicily; thus, they again returned to the mode of action that six years ago they themselves recognized as ineffective, and again got the same negative result.

Then they began to build a fleet again; things went better, Lilybeum was besieged, but then the change of command ruined everything. The stupid actions of the new consul Claudius Pulchra against the Carthaginian fleet at Drepanum and the ineptitude of another consul at Camarin

After these terrible losses, the senate again decided to stop the naval war, but during this time the Roman armorers began to engage in privateering, as a profitable business; the government encouraged and supported them by supplying them with ships. Then they began to undertake large-scale predatory campaigns with strong squadrons, and were not limited to capturing prizes and undermining Carthaginian trade, but even made landings on enemy shores. They devastated part of the African coast, imposed indemnities or burned many cities, among them the significant seaside city of Hippo; thus, the enemy suffered great damage. The fact that not only individual Roman privateers, but even entire squadrons could violate the safety of navigation after the Roman government stopped the war, serves as new evidence of the inability of the Carthaginian government to conduct naval warfare and in general to military affairs. In the battle of Drepanum, the Carthaginians did not suffer any significant losses, and on the south coast, when the huge Roman fleet was destroyed by a storm, they did not lose a single ship; thus they had a strong navy at their disposal, as well as the necessary means to increase it as needed; they had no shortage of skillful commanders: Adgerbal showed himself under Drepanum as a decisive, and at the same time cautious and energetic admiral who knew how to control his fleet and his subordinates; Kartolon also sensibly and efficiently carried out the instructions given to him.

With such means, and taking advantage of the superior speed of their ships, the Carthaginians could establish such control of the sea that even a single privateer would hardly dare to go to sea, not to mention a whole squadron that plundered the distant African coast. Meanwhile, the Carthaginians neglected their fleet, while cutting off all sea communications and ruining the coast, they could have done the Romans such harm that within a year they would have forced them into peace. This was all the more possible because for seven whole years (248-241 BC) no Roman fleet appeared at sea. The conduct of the war in Sicily and its environs was taken over by Hamilcar Barca (lightning). He began to wage war in a new way, regardless of Carthage, since he himself began to extract the necessary means for this with the help of the fleet. He raised his own army and instilled his spirit into it. First, he went to southern Italy, ruined and overlaid with indemnity the banks of Locrium and Brucium; then, he went to Panormus and occupied the height of Geirkte (Monte Pellgrino), located at the western end of the bay and descending into it by a steep cliff; this hill was a plateau two nautical miles long and from 345 to 400 meters high, in the middle of which there was a peak 620 meters high, representing an excellent observation point; on this hill Hamilcar, relying on his fleet, held out for almost three years. From here he constantly threatened from the sea and from land to Panormus, which was only two kilometers away; the Romans had to be constantly on the alert, and they were forced to put their detachment at the foot of the mountain. Almost daily skirmishes took place with this detachment among the Carthaginians, and all sorts of tricks were used; however, Hamilcar did not bring things to a decisive battle, and the Romans could not drive him off the mountain.

The squadron of Hamilcar made raids on the coasts of southern Italy as far as Naples and even north of it, delivered supplies for the army and supported communication. Meanwhile, the siege of Lilybeum from land continued, but since communication with the sea was free, the city continued to hold out. Apparently, in order to be closer to him, Hamilcar cleared the height of Geirkte, went to Drepanum and unexpectedly captured the city of Eryx, which stood on a mountain of the same name, on a high steep terrace. The top of the mountain, which had about 790 meters in height as well as its sole, was occupied by the Romans and, thus, Hamilcar was almost completely surrounded by them, having only a difficult roundabout road to communicate with the sea and the fleet. Nevertheless, he managed to stay here for two years, waging continuous battles and causing great harm to the Romans. His squadron during this time, apparently, lost its combat value; in any case, she no longer played any role in the approaching denouement. Thus the war dragged on until 242, with Rome suffering heavy losses; it was impossible to take Lilybeum from land, and the Romans could not do anything against Hamilcar and his well-organized army either. This state of affairs continued for seven years without any change, and only the war of marque at sea went on as usual. Despite this, the senate did not want to resume major operations at sea, although it was quite obvious that the only way out could be achieved there; besides, the treasury was empty. Then the armorers who were engaged in privateering and other rich Romans offered to put at the disposal of the state a fleet that could put an end to the war, which undermined trade and caused incalculable losses to the state; at the same time, they set the only condition that, in case of victory, their expenses would be reimbursed. It is impossible not to be surprised at such a large sacrifice, which, although it was made in one's own interests, nevertheless serves as proof of high patriotism. With their usual energy, the Romans set about implementing a new plan, and, based on 18 years of experience, conducted the matter more skillfully and with more knowledge of the matter than in the past. The ship of Hannibal of Rhodes was taken as a model; according to this model, 200 fast penteres were built, with which, at the beginning of the summer of 242, the consul Gaius Lutatius Catulus went to Sicily.

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Three stages of the journalist’s work can be distinguished:

information search (90% of the specialist’s work; the methods for obtaining information are different, mainly monitoring the object of research, interviews and working with the necessary documents);
information processing (includes analysis of the information received, verification of facts, clarification of the issues that have arisen, as well as the final formation of the material and its revision);
feedback (the journalist must monitor the opinion of the audience, and in case of legal disputes be prepared to defend his point of view in court).
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https://all-andorra.com/bern/
Training for a journalist
It is traditionally believed that future journalists graduate from journalism departments. However, good specialists come from philologists, philosophers, linguists. Also very common is the scheme according to which a journalist specializes in one particular area (for example, computers, cars, art). In this case, it is important that the author of the article understands the material better than the reader. In this regard, almost half of the journalists do not have a specialized education, and sometimes even a technical one.

Journalism Courses
Russian Institute of Professional Education "IPO"
Russian Institute of Professional Education "IPO"
https://all-andorra.com/fr/sur-nous/
The Russian Institute of Vocational Education "IPO" - conducts a set of students to receive the specialty "Journalist" in the distance program of professional retraining and advanced training. Studying at IPO is a convenient and quick way to get distance education. 200+ training courses. 8000+ graduates from 200 cities. Short deadlines for paperwork and external training, interest-free installments from the institute and individual discounts. Contact!
Necessary professional skills and knowledge
ability to work with information (find, study, select, analyze, compare and evaluate facts);
the ability to highlight the main thing in a large amount of information;
ability to find an explanation of the facts;
the ability to speak or write quickly, competently, easily and at the same time is interesting and not corny;
ability to handle professional instruments and equipment necessary for the work of a journalist (voice recorder, camera, etc.);
knowledge of the Media Law and the ability to use it;
https://all-andorra.com/about-us/
the ability to ask uncomfortable questions and get to the bottom of the problem;
professional ethics, tact.
Personal qualities
ability to express one’s thoughts accurately and clearly;
active participation in public life;
ability to quickly switch from one job to another;
ability to analyze events and phenomena;
wide horizons;
ability to perform work quickly and on time;
sociability, charm;
https://all-andorra.com/ca/tot-andorra-qui-som/
efficiency, perseverance;
objectivity;
observation;
sociability, teamwork;
initiative;
working capacity and hard work;
endurance, stress resistance.
Pros and cons of the profession
Minuses:
https://all-andorra.com/ru/zarubezhnye-smi/
the work of a journalist is associated with great nervous, emotional, physical overload, work in an emergency mode;
irregular working hours.

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Young chargers Jaime Busto and Miquel Gelabert will make their first X-Trial World Championship appearances since moving to manufacturer Vértigo, while Jorge Casales moves on from the one Spanish factory to another by joining up with Gas Gas.

La Réunion will also see the introduction of 18-year-old Frenchman Kieran Touly to the Championship for his X-Trial debut. The reigning 125cc World Champion is yet another youth talent welcomed to an ever-expanding series.

More familiar faces include Adam Raga (TRRS), the 4-times World Champion and reigning number two, the only rider other than Toni Bou to have recorded an X-Trial victory in 2019.

Young chargers Benoit Bincaz (Beta) and Gabriel Marcelli (Montesa) will also be keen to press their case for the podium places right from the start of this new season, the latter now included for the first time among the list of permanent riders for the X-Trial World Championship campaign.

___
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VK 17/11/2-10

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Hamilcar Barca was called from Sicily, in addition, for the first time, Greek mercenaries were invited for a lot of money, led by a skilled military leader, the Spartan Xanthippus; a strong cavalry was created and 100 elephants were brought in. Contrary to custom, the general command in 225 was entrusted to Xanthippus, who, thanks to the superiority of his forces and his tactics, defeated Regulus near Tunis and took him prisoner; only 2,000 Romans managed to escape to Culpeia.

Then the senate again sent all its mighty fleet of 350 ships to Africa; the Carthaginians came out to meet them, but at the Hermeian cape they were completely defeated in a big battle, about which detailed information is not available; in this battle they allegedly lost 114 ships. Instead of resuming the war in Africa with renewed vigor, the Romans themselves cleared the last fortified point convenient for landing - Culpeia: the garrison was put on ships and taken back. This retreat from Africa is completely inexplicable.

Off the southern coast of Sicily, at Camarin, the fleet was overtaken by bad weather; the Roman military leaders did not pay attention to the advice of experienced sailors who were with them, which resulted in the death of about 280 ships and more than 100,000 people; it was the largest shipwreck known in history.

The Romans immediately built a new fleet of no less than 220 ships; residents of coastal cities and regions were forcibly involved in this work, as well as in the supply of people to ships, and cruel violence was used.

In 254 the Romans sent a fleet of 300 ships against Panormus, which was taken, along with the rest of the north coast of Sicily, to Thermae, between Panormus and Himera. In this place, the Carthaginians had some success before that - after the Romans left Culpei, they sent a large army with 140 elephants to the island. It must be said that the Carthaginians dealt with the population in Africa that had fallen away from them with terrifying cruelty - 3,000 elders were crucified on crosses.

The following year, a Roman fleet was sent to the coast of Africa, with the aim of plundering and devastating these coasts; however, this fleet, due to the inexperience of the captains, had an accident in the Small Syrt and returned back to Panormus; from here the consuls, again against the advice of the sailors, wanted to go straight to Ostia, but a storm arose, during which 150 ships and about 60,000 people died (at Cape Palinura in Lucania).

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The enormous efforts that had to be made during the twelve years of war completely exhausted the forces and means, both of Rome itself and of its naval allies; the senate also did not want to take any more risks at sea, and therefore decided to abandon the construction of the fleet and naval warfare and maintain only 60 ships to protect the coast, transport troops and escort service; thus, he granted Carthage complete dominance of the sea, which was tantamount to refusing to win the war, on which depended not only the possession of the sea, but in general world domination. This decision was not the result of lost battles, but the result of insufficient experience in maritime affairs. With the development of knowledge and technology, man more and more subjugates the elements, but he will never succeed in becoming completely independent of them, which is proved every day by accidents and losses; therefore, sea experience should not be neglected; a fleet that tries to stay close to the coast soon becomes incapable of service on the high seas.

The more resolutely the Romans waged a land war in Sicily: they took Thermae and other cities; in 251, the consul Metellus defeated the Carthaginians in a big battle and captured 120 elephants from them, which, together with other successes of the Romans, forced the Carthaginians to ask for peace, but the Romans insisted on the demand to leave the fortress of Lilybeum in order to finally oust the Carthaginians from Sicily; with this, the peace talks were interrupted.

The Romans decided to seize Lilybeum by force and began a siege, but they soon saw that as long as the fortress freely communicated by sea with the outside world and was supplied with everything necessary, they would not be able to take it. Therefore, when their naval allies recovered somewhat, they decided to build a new fleet. With the energy with which they, as usual, took up this matter, the fleet (200 ships) was soon ready, and in 250 the Romans besieged Lilybaeum from the sea: from land it was already besieged; it was the first great siege that lasted nine years.

Lilybeum was heavily fortified, the entrance to the harbor, due to the shallows, was very difficult and possible only for people familiar with the area or with the help of pilots; in view of this, it was impossible for the Romans to enter the harbor and attack the city, but, having cut off the city from the sea, they could force it to surrender, especially since the city had a large population and a garrison consisting of 10,000 hired soldiers. The siege work of the Romans went on successfully, and in a short time up to half a dozen towers of the fortress wall were destroyed; nevertheless, the city stubbornly defended itself; another wall was built behind the attacked wall, and the work of the Romans was very difficult due to constant sorties. Over time, the spirit of the besieged began to fall, the leaders and soldiers were already talking about surrender. Help arrived at this time.

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Both flagships were at the head of the wedge, and the first squadron adjoined them with ledges on the right side, and the second squadron on the left side; from the rear side of the wedge, the third squadron was marching in the formation of the front, leading transport ships in tow; the entire formation was closed by the fourth squadron, which was also in the front line, parallel and behind the third squadron. In view of the fact that the number of ships in the fourth squadron was greater than in the others, its ends on both sides protruded beyond the line of transports, and on the right flank, in order to avoid a detour, it adjoined the coast. The purpose of this formation, obviously, was the intention to break through the middle of the enemy line with a wedge, take advantage of the superiority of forces, which was obtained as a result of a deep formation, and deliver a decisive blow in the place of the breakthrough; the reserve, meanwhile, was supposed to protect the entire formation from an attack from the rear, and the third squadron was to cover the transports or, if necessary, take them to a safe place.

This formation seemed advantageous in many respects: 1) it had the advantages of massiveness and depth, as opposed to the usual long and thin front lines; thanks to this, a better concentration of forces was achieved, 2) it provided the Romans with a superiority of forces at the point of attack, 3) the formation of ledges was best protected from attack by rams, and, finally, 4) the transport fleet was relatively well covered.

However, these were only apparent advantages, that is, those that could not be retained for a long time. There were many serious weaknesses in this formation, namely: a) this formation was too artificial, since it is almost impossible to maintain order in the ranks of ledges of 75-80 ships, even in good weather, calm seas and with very skillful crews; b) the entire fleet was forced to adjust its speed to the transport ships in tow; and c) the freedom of movement of individual ships, as well as divisions and other smaller units, was limited.

This formation had an offensive character, but the low speed and lack of flexibility necessary in a naval battle contradicted this character (placement of transports between the third and fourth squadrons). This circumstance, as well as the fact that part of the fleet was left in reserve, proves that the authors of this formation were people experienced in land warfare, but who did not understand naval warfare.

The Carthaginians, whose fleet was also divided into four squadrons, built a deployed front (in the form of a crescent moon) from them, and their right flank (the third squadron), which consisted of the fastest ships, protruded far towards the open sea for the location of the Romans. The fourth squadron on the extreme left flank was in the wake column in the bearing system, near and along the coast.

As soon as the top of the massive Roman wedge approached the Carthaginian center, the Carthaginian admiral Hamilcar ordered this center (the first and second squadrons) to turn and retreat. Consul Regulus, a hot and stubborn man, rushed after them with the first squadron, and in the heat of pursuit he soon developed full speed; another consul followed suit. Thus they separated themselves from the third squadron, which, having transports in tow, could not keep up with them; at the same time, it was difficult to observe the bearing formation, and therefore the order in the formation was violated; as a result, the cunningly conceived artificial battle formation of the Romans was upset by the trick of the Carthaginian admiral; the Roman fleet was divided into two parts, and the formation of both squadrons pursuing the enemy was broken.

Hamilcar, seeing that his goal was achieved, and finding that the distance between the two parts of the enemy fleet was so great that it made it possible to break them apart before they had time to give each other help, signaled to his center to turn around and attack those pursuing him and already upset in the pursuit of the Romans from the front, covering them at the same time from the flank and from the rear. Here a heated battle ensued, mainly with the first Roman squadron, to which the second soon came to the aid. As soon as the battle moved to close range, the Romans launched their "ravens".

Meanwhile, the left flank of the Carthaginians continued to move forward and, instead of attacking the Romans in the flank, built a deployed front and rushed to the third Roman squadron; this squadron immediately abandoned the tugboats, allowed the transports to take refuge under the shore in the bay near Fintias, and accepted the battle.

Almost at the same time, the right flank of the Carthaginians (the third squadron), bypassing the enemy fleet in an arc, approached the fourth Roman squadron, successfully attacked it in the flank and rear, and drove it to the shore, into the bay where the transports had taken refuge; here, however, the Romans managed to recover, build a developed front, and, although with great difficulty, repel the Carthaginians with the help of "ravens"; the latter did not dare to approach the Romans nose to nose. The third Roman squadron was also forced to retreat before the enemy and took refuge under the coast, since the battle on the high seas gave the Carthaginians too great advantages.

Thus the battle went on in three different, separated from each other, places; The battle order of the Romans was completely upset, but the number of ships on both sides in all three places was approximately the same.

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пятница, 15 июля 2022 г.

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пятница, 15 июля 2022 г.

News update RSS 15/07/2022 2

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пятница, 15 июля 2022 г.